THEAGENES: AN EARLY GREEK SCHOLAR - (F.) Biondi Teagene di Reggio rapsodo e interprete di Omero. (Syncrisis 2.) Pp. 144. Pisa and Rome: Fabrizio Serra Editore, 2015. Paper, €48. ISBN: 978-88-6227-716-7.

Every Greek scholar knows the celebrated lapsus linguae committed by the tragic actor Hegelochus at the Great Dionysia of 408 B.C., when he faltered in his enunciation of line 279 of Euripides' Orestes and gave the impression to the mirthful audience of having said I am surprised, however, that the commentators on this line (and on Ar. Ran. 303, the most notable of the references in the comic poets to Hegelochus' lapse) have only partially explained the reason for its having seemed exceptonally funny.

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The World on a Fingernail: An Unknown Byzantine Map, Planudes, and Ptolemy

Traditio ◽

10.1017/s0362152900000878 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 65 ◽

pp. 177-200 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Filippomaria Pontani

Keyword(s):

Thirteenth Century ◽

Greek Poetry ◽

The World ◽

Greek Scholar

MS Vat. Gr. 915 (bombyc., ca. 266 × 170 mm, 258 fols.) is a most interesting collection of archaic, classical, and Hellenistic Greek poetry (from Homer and Hesiod to Pindar, from Theocritus and Lycophron down to Moschus and Musaeus) put together during the early Palaeologan Renaissance, more exactly between the last years of the thirteenth century and 1311 (theterminus ante quemis provided by the subscription on fol. 258v). The contents of this codex as well as the textual facies of several of its items have led various scholars, each from a different perspective, to conclude that it was produced in the circle of Maximus Pianudes, the most outstanding Greek scholar of his age (of which he is also in a sense the “eponymous hero”); more on this will be said below in §3.

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ΛΕΥΚΑΣ ΠΕΤΡΗ

The Classical Quarterly ◽

10.1017/s0009838800014701 ◽

1985 ◽

Vol 35 (1) ◽

pp. 229-232

Author(s):

J. D. Morgan

Keyword(s):

British Library ◽

The Sun ◽

Ancient Greek ◽

The Many ◽

Greek Scholar ◽

Land Of Dreams

In the second Nekyia Hermes conducts to Hades the souls of the suitors slain by Odysseus:Even in antiquity the identification of the Λευκ⋯ς πέτρη was a conundrum. It would seem that no ancient Greek scholar could plausibly locate this rock. According to the scholion in the codex Venetus Marcianus 613, one of the many reasons Aristarchos gave for athetising the whole of the second Nekyia was ⋯λλ' οὐδ⋯ ἔοικεν εἰς Ἅιδου λευκ⋯ν εἶναι πέτραν. Certainly Hades had πέτραι, but traditionally they were ‘black-hearted’ or ‘blood-red’, not λευκαί. As an example of the lengths to which scholiasts were driven to justify the epithet Λευκάς, the scholion in the British Library codex Harley 5674 has the unhelpful explanation οἱ γ⋯ρ νεκροί ⋯κλείψαντος το⋯ αἵματος λευκοειδεῖς ⋯ρ⋯νται. Eustathios' attempt is not much better; he writes ἰστέον δ⋯ ὅτι Λευκάδα μέν πέτραν ⋯ μ⋯θος πρ⋯ς τῷ Ἅιδῃ πλάττει ἢ κατ⋯ ⋯ντίɸρασιν, μ⋯λας γ⋯ρ ⋯κεῖ σκότος, ἢ κα⋯ δι⋯ τούς ⋯σχάτους τ⋯ς ⋯κεῖ γ⋯ς τόπους, οὓς εἰκ⋯ς τ⋯ν ᾓλιον ἔτι διαλευκαίνειν δυόμενον. At Od. 10.515, in commenting on the πέτρη where the Pyriphlegethôn and the Kôkytos flow into the Acherôn, he ventures the suggestion ἴσως δ⋯ εἴη ἂν αὕτη ⋯ ⋯ν τοῖς μετ⋯ τα⋯τα λεχθησομένη Λευκ⋯ς πέτρα, which is obviously a mere guess. It would be a waste of time to record the conjectural attempts of modern scholars to locate the Λευκ⋯ς πέτρη in Hades, for if the ‘Rock Leukas’ was across the Ocean, near the ‘Gates of the Sun’ and the ‘Land of Dreams’, we cannot reasonably hope to identify it.

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The Photian Schism in Western and Eastern Tradition

The Review of Politics ◽

10.1017/s0034670500042959 ◽

1948 ◽

Vol 10 (3) ◽

pp. 310-331

Author(s):

F. Dvornik

Keyword(s):

Ninth Century ◽

The Other ◽

Early Christian ◽

Other Hand ◽

History Of ◽

Great Schism ◽

Greek Scholar ◽

The Way

The problem of the Patriarch Photius involved one of the most tangled and bitter differences that hamper friendly relations between Eastern and Western Christianity. Since the Renaissance, Photius, a Greek scholar of the ninth century, has been venerated by philosophers and philologists alike as the genius who among others was instrumental in transmitting to later generations classical Greek and Hellenic culture. On the other hand, Photius' name has been associated with the rise of the first schism in the ninth century when, under Pope Nicholas I, Photius played a prominent part in the first clash between the papacy and the East. The result is that the same man who is venerated as a saint by the Eastern Church, and as one of the last living witnesses of the tradition of the early Christian Fathers, has been for centuries regarded by the Christian West as the father of the great schism, as a prevaricator who falsified papal letters and conciliar Acts, and as a symbol of pride and lust for ecclesiastical domination. It is evident that both views cannot be right. Hence, the history of the Patriarch still stands as the greatest stumbling block barring the way to a better understanding between eastern and western Christendom. The apparent impossibility of reconciling such contradictory estimates has left historians with the feeling that history in this case finds itself in a cul-de-sac.

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The ‘Life’ of St. Peter of Argos and Its Historical Significance

Traditio ◽

10.1017/s0362152900013556 ◽

1947 ◽

Vol 5 ◽

pp. 163-192 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

A. Vasiliev

Keyword(s):

Reasonable Accuracy ◽

Historical Significance ◽

Modern Greek ◽

Russian Study ◽

The Subject ◽

Saint Peter ◽

Greek Scholar

The Life of the Peloponnesian saint, Peter of Argos, which was first published in the original Greek in 1888, is very little known in spite of its historical interest. If I am not mistaken, I was the first among scholars to make use of it, in 1898 in my Russian study, The Slavs in Greece. In 1908 a monograph in Modern Greek came out in Athens on the subject of Peter of Argos, written by Ch. Papaoi-konomos: . This monograph has remained entirely unknown to European scholars; strangely enough, it was mentioned neither in the detailed bibliography of the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, nor in the Vizantisky Vremennik, nor in the , where Greek publications are listed with reasonable accuracy. For myself, I was unable to find the book anywhere in America, and it was only recently that I received it directly from Greece. Since 1915 the indefatigable Greek scholar Nikos A. Bees has employed the Life of Peter of Argos in several studies, of which I shall speak later. Up to this time, nothing on the Life of Peter of Argos has been written in English.

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Melanchthon's Role in the Reformation of the University of Tübingen

Church History ◽

10.2307/3164504 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 47 (3) ◽

pp. 270-278 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Richard L. Harrison

Keyword(s):

Roman Catholic ◽

Alma Mater ◽

The Reformation ◽

Southern Half ◽

To Come ◽

Greek Scholar ◽

The University

When Ulrich, Duke of Württemberg, regained his ducal throne in May of 1534, he immediately took steps to institute the Reformation in Württmberg. Probably because of his own divided loyalties, he asked both Lutherans and Swiss-Reformed Protestants to come to Württemberg. From the outset, however, their mutual opposition, combined with determined Roman Catholic resistance in some areas, led to difficulties beyond Ulrich's expectations. The ducal commissioners for the Reformation in the southern half of Württemberg was Ambrosius Blarer, the reformer of Constance and a firm ally of both Martin Bucer and Zurich. Part of his responsibility was the University of Tübingen, a center of particularly strong Roman Catholic opposition to the Reformation. Blarer appealed to Duke Ulrich for assistance, asking for the Basel Greek scholar Simon Grynaeus, another Swiss partisan. Ulrich, however, took far more dramatic steps to reform the University of Tübingen. Under instructions from Ulrich, Chancellor Knoder and Erhard Schnepff, Blarer's counterpart in northern Württemberg, wrote to Philip Melanchthon, requesting that he return to his homeland to teach in the University of Tübingen, his alma mater.

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Acta Et Agenda

The Cambridge Law Journal ◽

10.1017/s0008197300014367 ◽

1977 ◽

Vol 36 (1) ◽

pp. 47-61

Author(s):

K. Lipstein

Keyword(s):

International Law ◽

English Language ◽

Common Law ◽

Private International Law ◽

Foreign Law ◽

Domestic Courts ◽

The Common ◽

English Law ◽

Greek Scholar

When I was first called upon to lecture during the darkest days of the war in 1941, because Hersch Lauterpacht was on some mission, I was still surrounded by my own teachers—Buckland, Duff, Gutteridge and McNair (Hazeltine had left). Of these Gutteridge and McNair influenced me most—the former by convincing me that foreign law was well worth studying, if not for its own sake, then in order to test the validity of one's own cherished notions and established techniques and to acquire the inspiration for new solutions, but not in order to discover an all pervading droit commun legislatif. McNair impressed upon me the reality of the rules of international law in the practice of states and in the administration of law by domestic courts. Not monism of a doctrinaire kind, but the age old tradition of the common lawyer to interpret English law so as not to conflict with international law was his inspiration, which has guided me ever since. I must not omit two other formative influences from times long passed. My teachers in Berlin included the last “Pandectist” (Th. Kipp), the broadly based Romanist, Greek scholar and modern comparatist as well as innovator of private international law (Rabel), and the superb exponent of private and private international law (M. Wolff) whose nephew, I am happy to think, will continue the propagation of the work which has been carried out in Cambridge since 1930 by Gutteridge, Hamson and myself. Gutteridge, Rabel and Wolff, whose works in the English language have enriched the fund of the common law, probably gave me the foundations on which most of my own work is based.

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