Special Reports on the Mineral Resources of Great Britain Vol. VII: Mineral Oil, Kimmeridge Oil-shale, Lignites, Jets, Cannel Coals, Natural Gas, England and Wales. Second edition, pp. iv + 125, with a plate and 7 text-figures. 1920 Price 5s. net.

1921 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-85
Author(s):  
R. H. R.
1981 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-422
Author(s):  
C. D. Daykin

This note continues an annual series on mortality rates in Great Britain; the previous note in the series appeared in J.I.A. 107, 529 and dealt with mortality in 1978. Tables 1 and 2 below show central death-rates for Great Britain for the years from 1966 to 1979 and Tables 3 and 4 show the ratios of these rates to the corresponding average rates for the three years 1970–72, which have been taken as a standard. Death-rates in this form for the years from 1961 to 1978 have been published in earlier notes in this series. The rates for 1979 have been calculated using the deaths recorded as occurring in Great Britain in 1979 and the ‘home’ population at 30 June 1979, i.e. the number of people actually in the country at the time, as estimated by the Registrars General of England and Wales and of Scotland.


Author(s):  
Donald Wright

‘Norths’ distinguishes between the real northern Canada and its imagined north. The frozen north is a symbol of Canada that appears in songs, art, and literature. The actual north is rich in mineral resources, creating phenomena like the Klondike gold rush of the late 19th century. Other regions are rich in oil and natural gas. Fifty per cent of Canada is permafrost, making its landscape particularly vulnerable to climate change. This intensifies old questions about sovereignty, with the world’s Arctic powers engaged in a new gold rush. With shrinking glaciers appearing in both headlines and literature, the landscapes of the real and the imagined north are changing.


1960 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-68
Author(s):  
W. A. Honohan

1. In the year 1800, when the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland were fused by the Act of Union establishing the United Kingdom, the population of Ireland was of the order of 5 millions. By 1821 the figure had risen to 6·8 millions and in 1841 it was 8·2 millions. During the following decade the population fell by 1-6 millions to 6·6 millions. By the year 1861 it was only 5·8 millions and thereafter it continued to decline steadily, though not with such rapidity, until in 1911 a figure of 4·4 millions was reached. Owing to the disturbed state of the country in 1921, the next census was not taken until 1926, after the political change in 1922 when twenty-six of the thirty-two counties into which the country was divided were established as a separate political entity, the Irish Free State (later to become a Republic), while the remaining six were constituted as Northern Ireland and continued to form part of the United Kingdom. The population of the whole island in 1926 and again in 1951 was 4·3 millions, that is to say, it differed only slightly in 1951 from what it was forty years earlier in 1911—see Table 1. The population of Ireland has, therefore, remained virtually stationary at about 4¼ millions for almost half a century. The trend of Irish population since 1841 is in striking contrast with the trend in England and Wales for, whereas in 1841 the population of Ireland was more than one-half of that in England and Wales, today it is less than one-tenth; the Irish population has almost halved while that of England and Wales has almost trebled.


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