The Historiography of fascist foreign policy

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Corrado Azzi

ABSTRACTThis article analyses how, in the last half-century, scholars have differed over the nature of Italian foreign policy under the fascist regime. It examines the debate between orthodox and revisionist historians over Mussolini's foreign policy in general, and also over three specific areas of Italian policy in the interwar years: Franco-Italian relations, Italian participation in the Spanish Civil War, and the alliance with nazi Germany. The author concludes that much of the debate has arisen because of conceptual befuddlement; writers have been primarily concerned with questions of coherence and continuity, and not with understanding Italian foreign relations. Historians have also disagreed over whether Mussolini had a ‘programme’, but a closer look shows that many of them were engaging in a semantic debate, and did not differ over the nature of fascist policy.

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
William Minter

Mozambique “switched from a pro-Chinese to a pro-Soviet stance during the Angolan civil war,” writes a commentator in the influential U.S. quarterly Foreign Policy of Fall 1977. “Mozambique said to Cool on Soviets, Turn West,” headlines a Washington Post dispatch of December 15, 1977. The Economist’s Foreign Report claims in its advertising to have been the first to describe the ideological infighting within FRELIMO and the swing to Russia. The commentators seemed to have missed Mozambique’s 1977 trade fair in September, at which the People’s Republic of China won first prize for an exhibit corresponding to Mozambique’s needs, but if they had been there one might well have seen headlines proclaiming Mozambique’s shift back to China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-117
Author(s):  
Natalia Anikeeva ◽  

The article analyzes the priorities of Spanish foreign policy during the Second Republic. It was proclaimed in Spain after the municipal elections. Then King Alphonse XIII was forced to leave the country and announced that he did not give up his rights to the Spanish throne. As for the priorities of foreign policy during the Second Republic, the author states that Spain at that time showed a lack of interest in international problems, as was the case under the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbanehi. On October 14, 1931, the head of the government, Manuel Azaña y Díaz, after the resignation of the Provisional Government of Niceto Alcala Zamora, emphasized that “foreign policy is inherited from regime to regime”. During this period, the European direction became the main one in foreign policy. The fundamental interests of the Spanish state revolved around the classical "axis" of the Mediterranean, Great Britain, France, Italy. In the period from the end of 1935. and until the summer of 1936. the priority of domestic political problems over foreign ones was observed. Since the acuteness of internal tension associated with the Spanish Civil War has made adjustments to the principles proclaimed by the governments of the Second Republic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942110630
Author(s):  
Daniela R.P. Weiner

The parallels and interconnections between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany are not merely a matter of contemporary scholarly interest, but also were and still are a charged political and societal question. Through an analysis of discourse in school history textbooks, this article analyzes how scholars, students, teachers and state authorities perceived these parallels and interconnections during the immediate postwar period. The paper investigates how the earliest history textbooks – published in the post-fascist successor states of East Germany, West Germany, and Italy between 1950 and 1960 – evaluated the relationship between Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany during the 1930s. The 1930s are key because they began with Mussolini as the senior fascist dictator; over the course of the decade – with the war in Ethiopia, the Spanish Civil War, the passage of anti-Semitic racial laws, and the creation of the Pact of Steel – Hitler's Germany eclipsed Mussolini's Italy as the preeminent fascist power. By looking at postwar textbooks’ representations of the Fascist Italy–Nazi Germany relationship during the 1930s, we can see that the postwar post-fascist states often blamed each other for the emergence of the especially imperialist, racist and violent elements of fascism. Thus, this article illustrates how educational materials marshalled deflection strategies during the long process of Vergangenheitsbewältigung.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Francesco Bono

The present essay investigates the representation of the First World War in Italian fascist cinema by analyzing some of the major films about the war made during the Fascist regime and, notably, Marco Elter’s Le scarpe al sole (1935), Giovacchino Forzano’s 13 uomini e un cannone (1936) and Oreste Biancoli’s Piccolo alpino (1940). The films will be examined from an original and specific angle, devoting special attention to their portrayal of the Austrian enemy. Little consideration has been paid so far in scholarly research to this aspect. The essay will specifically address the question, investigating the changing representation of WWI and, particularly, the metamorphosis of Austria from foe to friend in Italian cinema in the course of the twenty years of Fascist regime. In doing so, the essay will place the above films against the background of the Fascist regime’s foreign policy, with special regard to the Italian-Austrian politics of friendship during the 1930s, followed at the end of the decade by Italy’s alliance with Nazi-Germany and the birth of the Rome-Berlin axis.


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