Colonial Internationalism and the Governmentality of Empire, 1893–1982

In 1893, a group of colonial officials from thirteen countries abandoned their imperial rivalry and established the International Colonial Institute (ICI), which became the world's most important colonial think tank of the twentieth century. Through the lens of the ICI, Florian Wagner argues that this international cooperation reshaped colonialism as a transimperial and governmental policy. The book demonstrates that the ICI's strategy of using indigenous institutions and customary laws to encourage colonial development served to maintain colonial rule even beyond the official end of empires. By selectively choosing loyalists among the colonized to participate in the ICI, it increased their autonomy while equally delegitimizing more radical claims for independence. The book presents a detailed study of the ICI's creation, the transcolonial activities of its prominent members, its interactions with the League of Nations and fascist governments, and its role in laying the groundwork for the structural and discursive dependence of the Global South after 1945.

The heritage of the League of Nations’ minority protection system

This paper discusses the system of minority protection of the League of Nations. Minority protection occupied a prominent place on the League’s agenda, which developed a significant expertise in the field. The League’s system of minority protection is often regarded as an experiment. With regard to both material and procedural aspects this assessment is certainly correct. In particular, minority protection based upon legally binding treaties and declarations gave rise to the question of how individual and group rights should be treated within the frame of an international political organization. The paper further examines whether at least some of the elements of the League’s minority protection system still persist in the context of contemporary international human rights law.

THE POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON IRAQ'S ENTRY INTO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN 1932

The Iraqi government signed with Britain a treaty in 1930 AD, which approved a bilateral alliance between them that includes all political, economic and military issues, which will be recognized after Iraq’s entry into the League of Nations. Iraq by entering the League and declaring his independence After the discussions, statements, and opinions that were presented at the meeting, the League's Mandates Committee announced on October 3, 1932, that Iraq had been accepted as a member of the League of Nations The independence of Iraq and its entry into the League of Nations is an important and pivotal issue, as Iraq became the first Arab country to get rid of the occupation, even though the independence was not complete because Britain sought to achieve this goal in exchange for a treaty that chained Iraq with many restrictions, including military and economic issues The United States of America has striven to develop its diplomatic relations with Iraq, given that Iraq was of strategic importance in the eyes of American policy planners. US to the level of an embassy in Baghdad The cultural relations between Iraq and the United States during the royal era developed significantly if compared to other fields, because it is considered the gateway to Iraq’s entry to the League of Nations, and for this reason the Iraqi government set up in 1930 a committee of experts to improve education and recommended the necessity of adopting the American approach to education, and this The Americans wanted to exploit it after they had a share in Iraq's oil, and thus exploiting all means in order to secure their interests, especially the means of education, because it is an effective means in creating a trend of educated elites tending to the United States of America. Key words:

Działania wojenne gen. Żeligowskiego wobec Litwy. Próby rozstrzygnięcia konfliktu przez ligę narodów

The situation after World War I was far from stabilizing, and the area of the Vilnius region became the subject of a conflict that for many years cast a shadow on Polish-Lithuanian relations. One should look at this conflict from the perspective of one hundred years, remembering that it turned into an antagonism so sharp and fierce that it even aroused the amazement of bystanders. The taken up topic has been presented in many aspects: events in August and September 1920 preceding the occupation of Vilnius, the position of General Lucjan Żeligowski to this situation, warfare (called "rebellion"), the establishment of Central Lithuania and an attempt to sanction the situation in the League of Nations forum. This paper is about a military and political activities of occupation of Vilnius and its neighboring areas by the Poland in October 1920. The originator of this undertaking was Józef Piłsudski. He admitted to it after years, exactly on the 24th and 25th of August 1923 during the lectures in the hall of the Grand Theater in Vilnius. Polish-Lithuanian relations in the analyzed years should be considered far from accepted international standards. Both Poles and Lithuanians can be held responsible in point of above facts. Awareness of these events is extremely important for both nations for mutual understanding and agreement.

Juozas Gabrys and Lithuania at the League of Nations: Press, Business, Politics

The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics – the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.