Instinct and Organization: Intellectuals and British Labour after 1931

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Dare
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The Status ◽  
First World

In the years between the end of the First World War and the end of the Second, the estimate outside Britain of the status of intellectuals in the British Labour movement grew to prodigal dimensions.

The Short Career of the Indian Labour Corps in France, 1917–1919

2015 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 27-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Singha
Keyword(s):  
Military Personnel ◽  
First World War ◽  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Status ◽  
War Experience ◽  
Social Agendas ◽  
First World

AbstractThis essay adds the story of the Indian Labour Corps (ILC) to the narratives of the various “coloured” units brought in to France to deal with the manpower crisis that had overtaken that theater of the First World War in 1916. The label “coloured” or “native labour” justified inferior care and a harsher work and disciplinary regime than that experienced by white labor. However, official reports and newspaper coverage also expose a dense play of ethnographic comparison between the different colored corps. The notion was that to “work” natives properly, the managerial regimes peculiar to them also had to be imported into the metropolis. The register of comparison was also shaped by specific political and social agendas which gave some colored units more room than others to negotiate acknowledgement of their services. One dimension of the war experience for Indian laborers was their engagement with institutional and ethnic categorizations. The other dimension was the process of being made over into military property and the workers own efforts to reframe the environments, object worlds, and orders of time within which they were positioned. By creating suggestive equivalences between themselves and other military personnel, they sought to lift themselves from the status of coolies to that of participants in a common project of war service. At the same time, they indicated that they had not put their persons at the disposal of the state in exactly the same way as the sepoy.

The Commonwealth Labour Party in Northern Ireland, 1942–7

1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (93) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. S. Walker
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The North ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
The First World War ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The City ◽  
First World

The Commonwealth Labour Party (Northern Ireland), hereafter referred to as the C.L.P., came into existence on 19 December 1942. Its birth was the result of a split in the ranks of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (N.I.L.P.). This split centred on the personality and the political outlook of the man who had led the N.I.L.P since 1932, and who was to be leader of the C.L.P during its five-year lifespan: Harry Midgley.Midgley (1892-1957) was, by the time of the formation of the C.L.P., one of the best-known and most controversial politicians in Northern Ireland. Born into a working-class protestant home in north Belfast, he acquired an early political education as a youth through the medium of the Independent Labour Party organisation in the city. He was close, at least initially, to William Walker, the most outstanding labour leader produced by the north of Ireland during the early troubled years of the labour movement. In addition, he met and listened to some of the most eminent spokesmen of British labour, most notably Keir Hardie. Midgley served his time as a joiner in the Workman Clark shipyard (where his father was a labourer) before spending a brief period in America in 1913 and 1914. After serving in the Ulster division in the First World War, he returned to Belfast in 1919 and quickly got himself a job as a trade-union organiser with the Linenlappers’ Union.

scholarly journals Protest und Streiks in der Schweiz in der zweiten Hälfte des Ersten Weltkriegs

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
Bernard Degen ◽  
Christian Koller
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Linguistic Groups ◽  
Post War ◽  
First World ◽  
General Strike

Zusammenfassung Switzerland was spared direct involvement into the First World War, nevertheless the global conflict had tremendous political and economic impact on the neutral republic. Major antagonisms emerged between the different linguistic groups sympathising with opposing belligerent coalitions as well as between different social strata. Food and fuel shortages and wartime inflation as well as a lack of integration of the labour movement into the political system and its partial shift to the left resulted in a wave of strikes and protest in the second half of the war that continued into the first two post-war years. Its culmination was a national general strike in November 1918 lasting for three days upon the war’s conclusion, and that in bourgeois circles was wrongly considered an attempted revolution. Whilst this is considered the most severe crisis in modern Swiss history, from a transnational perspective, it was no more than a relatively mild variation of the worldwide upheavals going on at the time.

The Posthumous Lives of Thomas Muir

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Pentland
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

This chapter examines the ways in which Thomas Muir was used by political activists, historians and writers in both Great Britain and Australia in the centuries following his death. It analyses Muir's posthumous lives as a case study of how, when and why revolutionary figures of the 1790s have become politically usable. It discusses three important contexts that help explain both revived interest in Muir and changed interpretations of his political significance: one was provided by two global conflicts, the First World War and the ‘age of revolutions’ between 1790 and 1848; the other was provided by the success of the Labour movement in the West of Scotland. The chapter shows how the transnational dimension of Muir's life has been at least partially recovered and his legacy shaped and deployed by an emerging Australian nationalism from the end of the nineteenth century.

MacDonald, Henderson, and the Outbreak of War, 1914

1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-891
Author(s):  
Christopher Howard
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The mutual antipathy which arose between Ramsay MacDonald and Arthur Henderson during the First World War is often acknowledged to the point of exaggeration. Historians have however done little more than to note its presence and attempt to minimize its importance to the party's development; they have rarely sought to investigate its causes. During the war the strains in their relationship lay not in any long-standing personal mistrust and cannot be explained by Henderson's acceptance of office in the Asquith and Lloyd George coalitions or MacDonald's unremitting opposition to government policy. They lay in the fact that both men believed the other to have abandoned the Labour party in its hour of crisis. That crisis occurred between August and October 1914 in the first instance and this article will argue that the debate over the future of the Labour party and of the trade union movement which occurred during that period, rather than concern for the fate of the nation, determined the decisions taken by MacDonald and Henderson, by the parliamentary Labour party (P.L.P.), and by the wider Labour movement in the first months of war.

scholarly journals CRIMES OF THE URAL POLICE JUST BEFORE AND DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
S.M. Ryazanov
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Excessive Drinking ◽  
World War ◽  
Class Composition ◽  
Criminal Offenses ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Status ◽  
Causes Of Crime ◽  
First World

The purpose of this study is to analyze the nature and causes of crime among the Ural police. Analysis of their offenses in 1914-1916 revealed the following structure of crime: 2/3 of the crimes of the class composition of the police amounted to exceeding their official powers and illegal actions in relation to the entrusted property, 2/3 of the crimes of the lower ranks concerned exclusively “excess of power”. All other criminal offenses were not widespread in the Ural police. When considering the data on the provinces, it is noteworthy that 2/3 of all crimes of the Ural police are in the Perm province, while the police of the Orenburg province were the least criminalized. The main reasons for the violations of the Ural police can be considered an insufficient cultural and educational level, excessive drinking, poor material support, a “peasant mentality” and a lack of understanding of the social responsibility imposed by the status of a policeman.

Domaine Pas de Choix: government intervention in the Champagne market

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Colleen E. Haight ◽  
Nikolai G. Wenzel
Keyword(s):  
Consumer Choice ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
First World War ◽  
Regulatory Capture ◽  
World War ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Status ◽  
Agricultural Resilience ◽  
First World

Purpose Subsequent to the First World War, the French Government regulated the Champagne industry, and locked the status of protected (and excluded) grapes into the new Appellation d’Origine Contrôlée system, forever altering the incentives and output of wine producers. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach As a result, some indigenous varietals have disappeared entirely from the region – and a handful remain only in the vineyards and bottles of a few bold entrepreneurs, constituting less than 1 percent of Champagne production. Findings The authors assess several traditional explanations (from taste and preferences to agricultural resilience)-and dismiss them as unconvincing. Instead, the authors adopt a public choice framework of regulatory capture to explain the puzzle of thwarted entrepreneurship and consumer choice. Originality/value This paper is original.

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