The Dilemma of War and Peace in the Trend of the XXI Century (Russian – Ukrainian case)

In the presented article the author asks how the essence of the relationship between such states of international relations as war and peace has changed under the influence of the trends of the XXI century. A clear empirical example for such an analysis was the modern Russian-Ukrainian war, a manifestation of which we see on the Donbass. This war was largely the result and manifestation of these new trends in international relations at both the regional and global levels. First of all, these trends and their destructive consequences are typical for the security sphere. From so the dilemma of war and peace takes on a new dimension and becomes one of the most pressing problems of the theory of war and peace and the theory of international relations. The purpose of this article is to understand how the essence of the relationship between such states of international relations as war and peace has changed under the influence of the 21st century trends. In order to properly investigate this problem, was chosen as an object, a striking manifestation of which we see on the Donbass. Research questions relate to changing approaches to understanding the dilemma of war and peace and the nature of the relationship between these states of international relations under the influence of the 21st century trends. To address this research challenge, a systematic review of contemporary research on various aspects of war and peace has been carried out. The answers are based on a study of the criteria for determining the state of war and peace and the determinants that influence the dynamics of change in these states. The study used deductive methods, comparative, political and conflict analysis, as well as neo-realistic and neoliberal approaches to treating the dilemma of war and peace. The article based on the assumption that the modern Russo-Ukrainian war became a consequence and manifestation of these new trends in international relations both at the regional and global levels. The conclusions drawn from this study require a conceptual rethinking and a new reading of the dilemma of war and peace, which are becoming hybrid. Therefore, understanding the new quality of these hybrid forms of war and peace is a very important and necessary task. To solve it, it is necessary to determine how the parameters of the relationship between peace and war have changed. Empirical observations show that one of the new features of this relationship is the blurring of the boundaries of war and peace. The objectives of the study are based on the discovery of a new content of the categories of war and peace and their interdependence due to the influence of 21st century trends in the modern system of international relations. The results of the study are based on the analysis of modern research on various aspects of the war and peace, as well as empirical data on the course of the Russian-Ukrainian war. This article provides an overview of current research on various aspects of war and peace, identifies the interrelationships, interdependencies, and boundaries between hybrid warfare and hybrid peace. The author tried to define the criteria for such a distinction between war and peace, based on the neoliberal and neorealist theory of international relations. The scientific novelty of this publication is that the author clarified the methodological reasons for the unresolved dilemma of war and peace in the current trends of the 21st century. The article concludes with a forecast of the consequences of the unresolved dilemma of war and peace for national and international security. Recommendations are given for a possible solution to the problem of war and peace on Donbass. The research presented in this article is an attempt to conceptually rethink and re-read the dilemmas of war and peace that are becoming hybrid. The article greatly expands the understanding of how the parameters of the relationship between peace and war have changed.

Review of Raymond Aron, Peace and War: A Theory of International Relations translated by Richard Howard and Annette Baker Fox (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1967)

Wight suggests that Aron’s book, first published in 1962, has not won the recognition it deserves, owing in part to ‘Anglo-American intellectual insularity’ and ‘the massiveness of the book itself’. Wight praises Aron for grounding his work in history: ‘Rich in historical reference, it abounds equally in acute analysis.’ The book raises the questions of preventing and containing nuclear war. ‘Cautiously, tentatively, himself a political Clausewitz, Aron accumulates the considerations which may make it possible that a nuclear war would not expand to its fullest violence.’ Wight shares Aron’s judgement that, ‘if war should come, we can still seek to restrict violence. Aron repeatedly asserts the indeterminacy of politics. Diplomacy is the realm of the contingent and the unforeseen, and the statesman’s supreme virtue is prudence, which means acting in accordance with the concrete data of the particular situation.’

Kaplan’s System and Process

In this note Wight critically analyses Morton Kaplan’s System and Process in International Politics. While ‘positivist theorists’ aspiring to scientific rigour have belittled philosophical works on topics such as the just war or natural law as ‘tautologous or platitudinous’, these theorists have themselves constructed ‘new edifices of tautology and platitude’. Kaplan, for example, restates ‘simple and obvious truths, in the impressive special language of his theory’. Wight lists other shortcomings. Kaplan’s ‘historical limitedness’ reflects his ‘small range of historical reference’. Kaplan’s reliance on the abstractions of game theory leads to ‘the unintentional effect’ of ‘trivialization’ of ‘the awful issues of peace and war’. Furthermore, Kaplan’s ‘analytical jargon atomises and disintegrates reality’, and this results in ‘dehumanization’ and ‘hypostatization’ of the abstractions. Finally, ‘Objectivity becomes moral neutrality’, with ‘moral content … drained off, and then added again to the stew in pinches of recognition as “parameters” or “values”’.

Multiple Voices of the Past: (Hi)stories and Memories from the Ethnically Mixed Neighbourhoods in Pristina

Multiple Voices of the Past: (Hi)stories and Memories from the Ethnically Mixed Neighbourhoods in PristinaUsing the Bakhtinian term heteroglossia developed by Andrea L. Smith, this article analyses the multiple and sometimes internally contradictory narratives, memories and stereotypes articulated in everyday talk about the common past in Pristina that could be heard nowadays in post-war Kosovo (mostly among Kosovo Albanians) and among the people who used to live in Kosovo prior to 1999 (mostly Kosovo Serbs) and then left the country for Serbia (Belgrade, Niš, etc.) or went abroad. The study explores the existing memories, images and stereotypes shared among the current and former citizens of Pristina (Kosovo) – both Albanians and Serbs – about each other and their city. It relies on the basic tools of cultural memory studies and applies them to the analysis of existing local narratives in the present-day Albanian and Serbian communities that used to be parts of one and the same city of Pristina. The article offers a discussion of the opposition between urban and rural models of mindset in changing Pristina and its importance in understanding some of the factors of ethnic conflict in Kosovo. The basic social unit selected for analysis is ethnically mixed neighbourhood and its memory due to the fact that this social and spatial entity functioned as the primary condition and source of interaction, mutual familiarity and cooperation both during peace and war. The empirical data for the study were collected in 2010–2020 during short visits to Pristina (Kosovo) and Niš (Serbia).Множественные голоса прошлого: история и память в этнически смешанных районах ПриштиныАннотация: Используя термин гетероглоссия, предложенный М. Бахтиным и разработанный А. Смитом, в данной статье я про- анализирую многочисленные и иногда внутренне противоречивые нарративы, воспоминания и стереотипы, сформулированные в повседневных разговорах об общем прошлом в Приштине, которые сегодня можно услышать в послевоенном Косово (в среде косовских албанцев) и среди людей, живших в Косово до 1999 г. (в основном косовские сербы), а затем уехавших из страны в Сербию (Белград, Ниш и т. д.) или за границу. Моя статья направлена на изучение существующих воспоминаний, образов и стереотипов, разделяемых нынешними и бывшими гражданами Приштины – как албанцами, так и сербами – по отношению друг к другу и своему городу. В работе используются основные инструменты исследования культурной памяти, в их применении к анализу существующих местных нарративов в современных албанских и сербских общинах, которые когда-то были частью одного и того же города Приштина. В своей статье я буду обсуждать противостояние между городской и сельской моделями мышления в изменении Приштины и его важность для понимания некоторых предпосылок этнического конфликта в Косово. В качестве базовой социальной единицы для своего анализа я выбрал этнически смешанный район и его память в связи с тем, что эта социальная и пространственная сущность функционировала как основное условие и источник взаимодействия, взаимного знакомства и сотрудничества как в периоды мира, так и во время войны. Эмпирические данные были собраны в 2010-2020 годах во время моих коротких визитов в Приштину и Ниш.Różnorodne głosy przeszłości: historia i pamięć w zróżnicowanych etnicznie dzielnicach PrisztinyOdwołując się do terminu polifoniczności, zaproponowanego przez Michaiła Bachtina i opracowanego przez Anthony’ego Smitha, w niniej­szym artykule przeanalizuję liczne i czasem wewnętrznie sprzeczne narra­cje, wspomnienia i stereotypy, sformułowane w codziennych rozmowach o wspólnej przeszłości w Prisztinie, które dziś można usłyszeć w powo­jennym Kosowie (w środowisku kosowskich Albańczyków) oraz pośród ludzi mieszkających w Kosowie do 1999 roku (przede wszystkim wśród kosowskich Serbów), którzy wyjechali do Serbii (Belgrad, Nisz itd.) lub za granicę. Mój artykuł ma na celu zbadanie wspomnień, obrazów i ste­reotypów, podzielanych przez obecnych i byłych obywateli Prisztiny, za­równo Albańczyków jak i Serbów, w stosunku do siebie nawzajem oraz do samego miasta. W pracy nad analizą lokalnych narracji we współczesnych wspólnotach albańskich i serbskich, które kiedyś były częścią tego samego miasta – Prisztiny, wykorzystuję podstawowe instrumenty badawcze dla dziedziny pamięci kulturowej. W artykule będę omawiać sprzeczność mię­dzy miejskim a wiejskim modelem myślenia na temat przemian Prisztiny, akcentując jego istotną rolę w rozumieniu niektórych przesłanek konflik­tu etnicznego w Kosowie. Jako podstawową jednostkę społeczną dla mo­jej analizy przyjąłem etnicznie różnorodną dzielnicę wraz z jej pamięcią, ze względu na to, że ta społeczna i przestrzenna jednostka funkcjonowała jako podstawowe źródło wzajemnych wpływów, znajomości i współpracy, zarówno w czasie pokoju, jak i wojny. Dane empiryczne zostały zebrane w latach 2010-2020 w czasie moich krótkich wizyt w Prisztinie i Niszu.

Forgotten Ways of Peacekeeping: A Review of the Book «Peace and War: Historical, Philosophical, and Anthropological Perspectives»

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LIMITATIONS OF MASS MEDIA IN CREATING A CULTURE OF PEACE

The mass media, and the media in general, play an extremely important role in every society, as well as in people's daily lives. This role was crucial even before the number and type of media, and thus the way they work, were multiplied by digitalization and migration to online digital spaces. Today, we have a situation where a certain number of people prefer to be informed through social rather than traditional media, even about issues that affect life and health. With all this in mind, it is logical to think that the media can act for the purpose of achieving any proclaimed goal, and that this action will be successful, and without significant limits in the possibilities of their action. However, when we talk about creating and promoting a culture of peace, by analyzing the most important elements, such as the ontological and phenomenological nature of peace, and war as the opposite, by analyzing and defining the ethics of peace and war, we conclude that human nature, and beyond, the nature of life on Earth, as well as history and inherited experiences from the past, in juxtaposition with the phenomenological and ontological features of the media, shows significant limitations of the media of mass communication in order to achieve this humane and desirable goal. These limits are deeply rooted in the phenomenon of peace, in the phenomenon of war, in the nature of people and society, as well as in the nature of the mass media. However, what the media can do and are not limited to is the promotion of elements of a culture of peace and non-violence, such as tolerance, dialogue, public discourse that promotes and respects differences, as well as other elements that work to calm tensions and promote a nonviolent approach to conflict prevention and resolution.

International immunities for the diplomatic envoy in Islamic law and international agreements: الحصانات الدولية للمبعوث الدبلوماسي في الشريعة الإسلامية والاتفاقيات الدولية

The Diplomatic Agent has great significance at the present time because of the protection and care of the interests of individuals and states have been provided by him. The diplomacy has become the basis for preparing the foreign policy of states, as through diplomatic relations states solve many problems of peace and war and other interests of states. For that many International Conventions and Agreements were concluded to regulate diplomatic relations and lay down the rules for diplomatic protection and immunities. The most important of these international Conventions is the Vienna Convention for Diplomatic Relations 1961. Which brought special privileges and immunities for Diplomatic Agents Due to the significance of the matter, the researcher attempted through the study to shed light on “International Immunities Diplomatic Envoys in International Agreements and Islamic Sharia” by discussing the concept of Diplomatic Envoys, their duties, and the international immunity in International Law and Islamic Sharia. Through highlighting the types of immunities and their scope in International Law and Islamic Sharia, it appears that the Islamic Sharia was long ahead before nations in enforcing immunities rules and international protection of Diplomatic Agents. Thus, it has been the best influence in the international direction to implement rules of diplomatic representation, making it international law. In my study, I followed the inductive analytical approach which is approach through which the texts mentioned in the international laws that regulate the international immunity of the diplomatic envoy are extrapolated and analyzed. The conclusion included the results and recommendations of the research.