Charles Atangana of Yaounde

1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick Quinn
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Sleeping Sickness ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Medical Assistant ◽  
World War ◽  
Tax Revenues ◽  
Mission School ◽  
Eradication Effort

Charles Atangana (c. 1880–1943) is an African chief whose career defies easy categorization. He was one of several thousand Beti headman's sons in central Cameroon, and not in the line of succession to replace his father as lineage chief within this acephalous society. However, he became a houseboy to the Germans who moved to the Yaounde district in the 1880s, was sent to a mission school by them, and rose from being medical assistant, clerk and interpreter to Oberhäuptling, or Paramount Chief, of this group of perhaps 500,000 persons in 1914. No sooner had he achieved a position of power than he lost it with the coming of World War I. Atangana led the German exodus to Spanish Guinea, and then was sent to Spain by the Germans, who expected him to testify on their behalf at the Versailles peace talks, but he was never called on. After returning to Cameroon he was eventually returned to a position of power by the French, who never had the complete confidence in him the Germans had shown. The 1920s and 1930s brought increasing difficulties to Atangana and other appointed Beti chiefs. To begin with, chiefs were an alien institution imposed on the Beti; the French were not satisfied with them because few of them could deliver the tax revenues and workers for public-works projects in the desired quantities; the Beti became increasingly estranged from them because they did not care for the heavy demands they made. As a generation of school-educated Beti emerged in the 1930s, the chiefs' role was increasingly questioned. Atangana could never be considered a resistance figure; he believed it was useless for the Beti to fight the Europeans, and he accepted the religion and culture of the Europeans. At the same time he did much to advance African interests. He often interceded with the Europeans on behalf of individual Africans, and actively supported campaigns like the sleeping-sickness eradication effort of the French. Within the limited possibilities open to him, he steered a middle course, as he saw it.

John Cassidy, Manchester Sculptor, and his Patrons: Their Contribution to Manchester Life and Landscape

2012 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Hulme
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Public Works ◽  
World War ◽  
War Memorials ◽  
Manchester School

John Cassidy, born in Ireland and trained as a sculptor at the Manchester School of Art, was a popular figure in the Manchester area during his long career. From 1887, when he spent the summer modelling for visitors at the Royal Jubilee Exhibition, to the 1930s he was a frequent choice for portrait busts, statues and relief medallions. Elected to the Manchester Academy of Fine Arts, he also created imaginative works in all sorts of materials, many of which appeared at the Academys annual exhibitions. He gained public commissions from other towns and cities around Britain, and after World War I created several war memorials. This essay examines his life and work in Manchester, with particular reference to two major patrons, Mrs Enriqueta Rylands and James Gresham. A list of public works still to be seen in Greater Manchester is included.

The Geological Survey of Portugal (1857-1948): An Overview

2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Carneiro ◽  
Teresa Mota
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Geological Survey ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Geological Map ◽  
Geological Research

The Geological Survey of Portugal (GSP) was created in 1857 as part of the Directorate of Geodesic, Chorographic, Hydrographical Works of the Kingdom established at the Ministry of Public Works, Trade and Industry, within a general policy of control over territory. Until its creation, Portugal lacked any sort of tradition in geological research.Despite changes in name and various restructurings, the GSP was able to produce consistent geological research that was up to international standards, releasing two editions of a geological map of Portugal in the scale 1:500,000, the first in 1876 and the second in 1899. In 1918, the Survey was once again reorganised, becoming part of the new General Directorate of Mines and Geological Survey. Portugal was then enduring a troubled period: the young Republican regime established in 1910 faced financial and political difficulties, and there was much social unrest as a result of World War I. These events deeply affected Survey activities. It is clear that between 1918 and 1948 geology and mapping were not among the Portuguese State's priorities, thus leading to a decline of geological research and mapping.

Public Works Program After World War I

1943 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 523-537
Author(s):  
E. Jay Howenstine,
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Public Works ◽  
World War

scholarly journals Preparing the Welfare State: American Unemployment Reform in the Early Twentieth Century

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-256
Author(s):  
Udo Sautter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Unemployment Insurance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Fine Tuning ◽  
World War ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Hoover Administration ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract Efforts have recently been made to trace the origins of some of the New Deal's programmes back to the Hoover administration. Activities to combat unemployment, however, have a prehistory beginning in the last third of the nineteenth century. Realizing that modern unemployment was an environmental rather than an individual problem, progressive reformers as well as bureaucrats endeavoured to find solutions. By the time of the entry of the United States into World War I, the major measures — counting, labour exchanges, public works, and unemployment insurance — had been devised and some testing had begun. The postwar years and the early 1920s served as a period of reflection and refinement. Rising unemployment from about 1927 on and, moreso, the onset of the Great Depression, gave opportunity to examine more thoroughly the instruments developed by then. Some fine-tuning occurred, and on his accession to the presidency F. D. Roosevelt found a ready-made instrumentarium to use.

The Federal Revenue Act of 1942

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 1069-1082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy G. Blakey ◽  
Gladys C. Blakey
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Income Taxes ◽  
World War ◽  
Tax Revenues ◽  
Federal Revenue ◽  
To Come

The Revenue Act of 1942 marks a new high in American finance; in fact, it reaches a new high for any country. According to official estimates, which vary somewhat, in a full year of operation the new law will increase federal tax revenues by 7 or 8 billion dollars to 24 or 26 billion dollars. This is about 50 per cent more than would have been received if the existing law had not been changed, and four times as much as the greatest tax measure of World War I. Eightelevenths of the estimated increase is to come from income taxes on individuals; two-elevenths from taxes on incomes of corporations; and nearly one-eleventh from excises on liquor, tobacco, freight charges, etc. (See Table 4).

Through the prism of Spain. Socio-economic causes of different outcomes of Russian and Spanish civil wars

2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
World War ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Economic Well Being

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.

‘Grey Dawn’ in the British Pacific: Race, Security and Colonial Sovereignty on the Eve of World War I

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
World War ◽  
Building Projects ◽  
Cooperative Security ◽  
Strategic Defense ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The Way

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.

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