Poor Whites - White but Poor: Essays on the History of Poor Whites in Southern Africa 1880–1940. Edited By Robert Morrell. Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1992. Pp. xxiii + 224. £11.90, paperback.

1993 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-340
Author(s):  
Patrick Furlong
2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leepo Johannes Modise

This paper focuses on the role of the Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa (URCSA) in the South African society during the past 25 years of its services to God, one another and the world. Firstly, the paper provides a brief history of URCSA within 25 years of its existence. Secondly, the societal situation in democratic South Africa is highlighted in light of Article 4 of the Belhar Confession and the Church Order as a measuring tool for the role of the church. Thirdly, the thermometer-thermostat metaphor is applied in evaluating the role of URCSA in democratic South Africa. Furthermore, the 20 years of URCSA and democracy in South Africa are assessed in terms of Gutierrez’s threefold analysis of liberation. In conclusion, the paper proposes how URCSA can rise above the thermometer approach to the thermostat approach within the next 25 years of four general synods.


Author(s):  
Marco A.G. Andreoli ◽  
Giulio Viola ◽  
Alexandre Kounov ◽  
Johann Scheepers ◽  
Oliver Heidbach ◽  
...  

1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Owen Ellison Kahn

This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.


Phytotaxa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 299 (1) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
ANDREA D. WOLFE

Hyobanche sanguinea (Orobanchaceae) is a member of a small genus of holoparasitic plants endemic to southern Africa. The description by Linnaeus in 1771 did not include a designated holotype, and no such material has been located in the Linnaean herbaria housed in London or Uppsala. After studying the Linnaean collection of Hyobanche specimens, and researching the history of botany in South Africa, a lectotype is here designated, and an epitype from the Cape Peninsula assigned. In addition, a study of type specimens for H. calvescens, H. glabrata, and H. rubra reveals that the type specimens for H. calvescens and H. glabrata fall within the circumscription of H. rubra, resulting in synonymization of both names.


2021 ◽  
pp. 166-193
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

Chapter 6 examines the history of Britain’s colonization of South Africa as a clash between imperialists like Cecil Rhodes—who wielded liquor as a tool to get indigenous leaders drunk and sign away rights to their land—and native African tribal leaders. Rhodes’s greatest obstacle in his planned Cape Town–to-Cairo railroad were the prohibitionist leaders of Bechuanaland (present-day Botswana)—King Khama, Sebele I, and Bathoen—who in 1895 went so far as to travel to England to plead to Queen Victoria and the Colonial Office to maintain their sovereignty against white incursions and their prohibition against white liquor. Harnessing British temperance networks and building goodwill, the Bechuana kings emerged victorious: Bechuanaland would remain a protectorate, but not folded into Britain’s Cape Colony, foiling Rhodes’s machinations.


Author(s):  
Mary-Louise Penrith

The histories of the two swine fevers in southern Africa differ widely. Classical swine fever (hog cholera) has been known in the northern hemisphere since 1830 and it is probable that early cases of ‘swine fever’ in European settlers’ pigs in southern Africa were accepted to be that disease. It was only in 1921 that the first description of African swine fever as an entity different from classical swine fever was published after the disease had been studied in settlers’ pigs in Kenya. Shortly after that, reports of African swine fever in settlers’ pigs emerged from South Africa and Angola. In South Africa, the report related to pigs in the north-eastern part of the country. Previously (in 1905 or earlier) a disease assumed to be classical swine fever caused high mortality among pigs in the Western Cape and was only eradicated in 1918. African swine fever was found over the following years to be endemic in most southern African countries. Classical swine fever, however, apart from an introduction with subsequent endemic establishment in Madagascar and a number of introductions into Mauritius, the last one in 2000, had apparently remained absent from the region until it was diagnosed in the Western and subsequently the Eastern Cape of South Africa in 2005. It was eradicated by 2007. The history of these diseases in the southern African region demonstrates their importance and their potential for spread over long distances, emphasising the need for improved management of both diseases wherever they occur.


1981 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard F. Weisfelder

Virtually all analyses of Lesotho's political framework have agreed that strong elements of national identity have neither forestalled domestic conflict nor served to promote a unified assault on awesome economic problems. Hence many writers imply that a major asset, rarely found in independent Africa, has been wasted.1 Roger Leys has perceptively applied dependency theories of a ‘labour reserve’ economy to Lesotho,2 and spends considerable effort on historical analysis aimed at demonstrating the duration and pervasiveness of this process of systematic underdevelopment. In his conclusion he suggests that ‘the long and courageous battle of the Basotho to assert their dignity and worth is in fact a resource and political weapon of incomparable significance in the long-term battle for the liberation of southern Africa.’ Leys infers that national and class identities are interrelated, and possibly reinforcing, when he says that ‘the history of the struggle of the Basotho people and the very degree of their integration into the black working class of South Africa is a formidable weapon.’3


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