The Role of Wine Buyouts in the Formation of the Initial Capital of the Russian Entrepreneurship of the XIX century: on the Example of D. E. Benardaki

Introduction. The entrepreneurial activity in history has passed a very long distance in the course of its evolutionary development. At each of the stages of its development, it possessed very specific features and qualities that directly depended on a number of various factors. These factors include: the level of development of productive forces, the nature of various (socio-economic, production, political) relationships, forms of ownership and their changes. Materials and Methods. Comparative historical, chronological and genealogical research methods were used, the principles of objectivity and historicism were observed. Results. By the time the lease system was canceled, the period of initial capital accumulation for the former leaseholders was over. Discussion and Conclusion. One of the main stages in the development of Russian entrepreneurship falls on the first half of the 19th century. At this time, directly related to the beginning and development of the industrial revolution, there was a significant acceleration of the processes of initial capital accumulation. This process was based on various forms and types of trade and intermediary activities within the developing the all-Russian market.

The COVID-19 Pandemic Eroded System Support But Not Social Solidarity

While the World has been busy mitigating the disastrous health and economic effects of the novel coronavirus, a less direct, but not less concerning peril has largely remained unexplored: the COVID-19 crisis may disrupt some of the most fundamental social and political relationships in democratic societies. We interviewed samples resembling the national population of Denmark, Hungary, Italy and the US three times: in April, June and December of 2020 (14K observations). We employed a broad set of survey questions tapping into perceptions about the two major relationships structuring society: Horizontal relationships between citizens, and vertical relationships between citizens and the state. We benchmarked these data against pre-COVID levels measured in the World Values Survey and the European Values Survey. We present strikingly similar findings across the four diverse countries. We show that support for the political system has markedly decreased already by April and fell further till December. Exploiting the panel setup, we demonstrate that within-respondent increases in indicators of pandemic fatigue (specifically, the perceived subjective burden of the pandemic and feelings of anomie) correspond to decreases in system support and increases in extreme anti-systemic attitudes. Meanwhile, we find much smaller changes in social solidarity and trust compared to pre-pandemic levels, and we find that these attitudes are largely unaffected by pandemic burden. Our results imply that the pandemic is not only a health-crisis, but poses a substantial challenge to the relationship between citizens and the state.

The Difficult Choices of a Post-Colonial State: Timor-Leste and International Educational Aid

<p>Timor-Leste is still a newly independent country, obtaining full independence in 2002. The new Constitution gives all citizens a right to education, showing how important education is for Timor-Leste. Educational aid has accounted for around 10% of the aid budget (and has been as high as 28%) over the three years from 2011 to 2014. This thesis explores the emerging relationship between Timor-Leste and its two largest aid donors: Australia and Portugal, through the lens of educational aid. Although there are currently some studies on Timor-Leste’s education policy, there is no current study which explores the relationship between donor foreign policy and educational aid. The thesis builds on secondary literature and interviews with important figures in the Timorese government. It argues that donors’ political priorities have had an important impact on shaping education policy in Timor-Leste and that the provision of educational aid can help to highlight Timor-Leste’s position as a highly dependent nation in the world system. Portuguese aid has been strongly driven by Portugal’s attempts to maintain political relationships with its former colonies and promote Portuguese language worldwide. Portuguese funding for Portuguese language education has had an impact on language policy, cementing the position of Portuguese as an official language and promoting a Portuguese-influenced position in Timor-Leste’s foreign policy. Australian aid, meanwhile, has emphasised Tetum and English as appropriate languages and is connected with Australian attempts to minimise Timorese discontent over oil politics in the Timor Gap (or Timor Sea). Coordination between these two different donors with different interests has been weak. Timor-Leste finds itself in a difficult position of dependency whereby it needs foreign aid but cannot trust that aid is being given in a disinterested and functional way.</p>

The Difficult Choices of a Post-Colonial State: Timor-Leste and International Educational Aid

<p>Timor-Leste is still a newly independent country, obtaining full independence in 2002. The new Constitution gives all citizens a right to education, showing how important education is for Timor-Leste. Educational aid has accounted for around 10% of the aid budget (and has been as high as 28%) over the three years from 2011 to 2014. This thesis explores the emerging relationship between Timor-Leste and its two largest aid donors: Australia and Portugal, through the lens of educational aid. Although there are currently some studies on Timor-Leste’s education policy, there is no current study which explores the relationship between donor foreign policy and educational aid. The thesis builds on secondary literature and interviews with important figures in the Timorese government. It argues that donors’ political priorities have had an important impact on shaping education policy in Timor-Leste and that the provision of educational aid can help to highlight Timor-Leste’s position as a highly dependent nation in the world system. Portuguese aid has been strongly driven by Portugal’s attempts to maintain political relationships with its former colonies and promote Portuguese language worldwide. Portuguese funding for Portuguese language education has had an impact on language policy, cementing the position of Portuguese as an official language and promoting a Portuguese-influenced position in Timor-Leste’s foreign policy. Australian aid, meanwhile, has emphasised Tetum and English as appropriate languages and is connected with Australian attempts to minimise Timorese discontent over oil politics in the Timor Gap (or Timor Sea). Coordination between these two different donors with different interests has been weak. Timor-Leste finds itself in a difficult position of dependency whereby it needs foreign aid but cannot trust that aid is being given in a disinterested and functional way.</p>

People Power: The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines

<p>How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. The research covers community-based organisations with broad memberships, including women’s organisations, student and youth groups, ethnic minority and indigenous groups, and trade unions. The thesis demonstrates that CBOs exercise a range of tactics in forming political relationships in local and international contexts, and emphasises the role of learning processes in the interaction of local and international norms in the course of political change.</p>

People Power: The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines

<p>How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. The research covers community-based organisations with broad memberships, including women’s organisations, student and youth groups, ethnic minority and indigenous groups, and trade unions. The thesis demonstrates that CBOs exercise a range of tactics in forming political relationships in local and international contexts, and emphasises the role of learning processes in the interaction of local and international norms in the course of political change.</p>

Rapid Response: Comics in and of the moment. A Graphic Submission

The Political cartoon, by its nature, provides comment as events unfold and part of its power can be simply understood by 'the satisfaction the successful cartoon gives us simply by its neat summing up, "a momentary focus." (Gombrich 1994) Described by Punch magazine as an index of time, political cartoons can serve as important historic documents, 'Cartoons can be useful illustrations that catch the eye of the reader, but they are far more valuable as evidence of an important set of dynamic social and political relationships.' (Howells and Matson 2009). Baudelaire saw the cartoon as an art form that could find 'the fantastic in the real and conversely' depict 'the reality of the fantastic in contemporary life.' (Hannoosh 1992) In short, cartoons and caricature became an art that represented real life for real people, took the banal and made it interesting, the ugly and made it beautiful and turned the transitory and ephemeral into eternal truths.In late 2019 the political cartoonist Martin Rowson began a #draw challenge on twitter. Many cartoonists (and others) picked up the gauntlet and a large body of rapid response artworks have been created. this graphic submission includes my own work that was created in particular response to the #DrawTheCoronaVirus in collaboration with The Cartoon Museum. Also, as yet unpublished, a modernised Aesop fable strip in response to the #DrawBorisJohnson challenge; 'The Toad and the Scorpion' follows the news events unfolding in the UK during the first lockdown beginning in March 23rd 2020.In late@font-face{font-family:Cambria;panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-pitch:variable;mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0;}@font-face{font-family:font491;panose-1:0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0;mso-font-alt:Cambria;mso-font-charset:0;mso-generic-font-family:auto;mso-font-format:other;mso-font-pitch:auto;mso-font-signature:99592203 597701894 0 0 524289 0;}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal{mso-style-parent:"";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}p.MsoFootnoteText, li.MsoFootnoteText, div.MsoFootnoteText{mso-style-noshow:yes;mso-style-link:"Footnote Text Char";margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;mso-pagination:widow-orphan;font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-fareast-font-family:Cambria;mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;}span.MsoFootnoteReference{mso-style-noshow:yes;vertical-align:super;}a:link, span.MsoHyperlink{mso-style-noshow:yes;color:blue;text-decoration:underline;text-underline:single;}a:visited, span.MsoHyperlinkFollowed{mso-style-noshow:yes;color:purple;text-decoration:underline;text-underline:single;}span.FootnoteTextChar{mso-style-name:"Footnote Text Char";mso-style-noshow:yes;mso-style-locked:yes;mso-style-link:"Footnote Text";mso-ansi-language:EN-GB;}div.Section1{page:Section1;}

Holding water for the city: Emergent geographies of storage and the urbanization of nature

In the US West, water stories are often aqueduct stories, narratives of moving the vital resource from one place to another. This paper, in contrast, explores nascent efforts to keep the water still, in the name of helping buffer cities from the anticipated impacts of climate change. Scripted as potential holding sites for an urban water reserve, aquifers and the task of filling them now orient a range of policies and material investments across Southern California. Building on writings that explore the multi-scalar politics of storing and stockpiling vaccines, resources, and lively or uncooperative commodities, this analysis approaches storage as a key moment within circulation, a dynamic, constitutive stillness that conditions flows. Three early-stage subterranean water stockpiling projects connected to the City of Los Angeles are explored, and used to demonstrate how the pursuit of storage is remaking material and political relationships within and between urban jurisdictions, while complicating long-fraught urban–rural relations within the region's waterscape. These shifts suggest the value of reorienting the notion of the urbanization of nature to better attend to the geographies of resource storage, in addition to those of resource flows and circulations.

Fishing Livelihoods and Fisheries Governance

This book centres on an understanding of fishing livelihoods within processes of historical change, and the social and political relationships within which they are embedded. Drawing on our research experience from the Asia-Pacific region, we examine where fishing livelihoods have come from, and where they are going. This introductory chapter introduces fishing livelihoods and the governance challenge that they face, before examining social science research in greater depth. We then develop the idea of a relational approach to fishing livelihoods, describing how they are shaped by wider political and economic trajectories, by local social relationships and by institutional structures.

The American role in the Anti-Soviet Afghan War (1977- 1980)

Purpose of the study: This study aims to discuss the American role in the anti-Soviet Afghan war and disclose the reasons for the Soviet worry about the growth of the fundamentalist terrorist groups inside Afghanistan. Methodology: This is library-based research work. Results: The article has come up with some main points on that severe war. One of these was that the American President Jimmy Carter's Doctrine in 1980. Carter's Doctrine could be considered a sort of policy that allows the use of military force in case American interests are exposed to Soviet threats. As a result, the American administration promised to militarily support the Afghan fighters against the Soviet control in Afghanistan. But, at the same time, the Americans failed to realize the ethnic, ideological, social, lingual, and theological structure of the Afghan society. Application: This study could have many applications in the faculties of politics and the contemporary altogether to teach the ways of public and secret or hidden political relationships between the secular states or so-called superpowers that employed the extremist groups to overwhelm the stable states that do not subdue to the western domination. Novelty: This study explores the incorrect claim of the superpowers in general and of the United States of America in particular of the theory of separation religion and the state, which is often used in the double standard.