Polygamy, Purdah and Political Representation: Engendering citizenship in 1950s Pakistan

2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 1421-1461 ◽  
Author(s):  
SARAH ANSARI

AbstractDebates on Islam, citizenship and women's rights have been closely interconnected in Pakistan, from the time of the state's creation in 1947 through to the present day. This article explores the extent to which during the 1950s campaigns to reform Muslim personal law (which received a boost thanks to the outcry against 1955 polygamous marriage of the then Prime Minister, Muhammad Ali Bogra) were linked with wider lobbying by female activists to secure for women their rights as Pakistani citizens alongside men. Through a close examination of the discussions that were conducted on the pages of English-language newspapers, such as Dawn and the Pakistan Times, it highlights in particular what female contributors thought about issues that were affecting the lives of women in Pakistan during its early, and often challenging, nation-building years.

Author(s):  
Marie Saiget

The history of women is characterized by nonlinear and gendered social, political and economic processes. In particular, the history of Burundian women’s collective actions has been embedded in the contested and violent trajectory of the Burundian state. Burundian women’s collective actions refer to a broad range of interactions: from protest, and social mobilizations to institutionalized actions. These interactions have been shaped by both global and local social structures, and by complex conflictive and cooperative relations between the Burundian state, political parties, women’s organizations and movements, and external actors (colonial powers, international organizations, non-governmental organizations). Women’s experiences in Burundi’s pre-colonial patriarchal society are little known, with the exception of the glorified Queen-mothers. German and Belgian colonial policies (1886–1962) reinforced and rigidified pre-colonial social constructions of ethnic and gendered social identities and roles, assigning ordinary women to the domestic sphere and sanctioning their social inferior status along with ethnic lines (Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa). After Burundi’s independence, the one-party military regime organized and supervised the first forms of women’s political participation through the Union des femmes burundaises (1962–1980s). The democratic transition of the early 1990s led to the creation of autonomous women’s organizations and networks, which were extended during the civil war (1993–2005). Burundian women actively contributed to national and grassroots peace processes. In particular, a delegation of seven Burundian women participated in the negotiations held in Arusha (1998–2000), with observer status. Post-conflict struggles for women’s rights posed the central issue of women’s political representation, with the adoption of gender quotas from 2005, but left aside other issues after 2010, such as women’s right to inherit land. In Spring 2015, Burundian women were present in protests against the president’s third mandate; with the women’s march being the first to reach the city center in March 2015. Women’s organizations kept mobilizing towards women’s rights after the electoral crisis, in exile or within Burundi, though facing important financial constraints and political repression.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-789
Author(s):  
Waikeung Tam

AbstractThis article investigates women’s political representation in a hybrid and patriarchal regime—Singapore. Specifically, it examines whether female legislators in Singapore put more emphasis on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns than male legislators. We answer this question through conducting content analyses of the questions raised by legislators at the plenary meetings during the 10th–12th Parliaments of Singapore (2002–2015). Our results demonstrate that female legislators in Singapore were more likely to provide substantive representation on women’s interests than male legislators. Besides gender, this study shows that legislators’ political affiliation crucially affected the likelihood of them to represent traditional women’s concerns but not women’s rights. Opposition legislators were more likely than People’s Action Party legislators to ask questions on traditional women’s concerns. Finally, legislators’ ethnicity mattered, given that ethnic minority legislators (Malay, Indian and Eurasian legislators) were more likely to raise questions on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns (except environment) than Chinese legislators.


2019 ◽  
pp. 335-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Agnes

This chapter scrutinizes the triple talaq issue in the context of an aggressive Hindu nationalism in India to provide the intersectional and historical context for the overemphasis on triple talaq and the lack of reporting on the progress in Muslim women’s rights, and to challenge popular misconceptions surrounding Muslim personal law. Why is there an overemphasis on triple talaq today to the exclusion of all other gender concerns? Agnes highlights how the discourse around triple talaq has constrained the discussion of abandoned women within the confines of Muslim communities, even while separated and abandoned Hindu women number 2 million out of 2.3 million in India. Through reflecting on the triple talaq issue, she seeks to find effective strategies to secure dignity and economic rights for women in a context where women’s rights are posed as oppositional to (Muslim) community rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Stephan

Abstract This study asks one crucial question: How do Lebanese women apply available social capital and informal social networks to engage in political activism for women’s rights? Building on social- and women’s-movement theories, I argue that Lebanese feminists do not exclusively operate in the public sphere in their fight for political goals, nor do they privilege only the extra-family space. On the contrary, they engage in political activities by using extended family networks as a form of weak social ties. I construct this argument on the basis of interviews, observations, and analysis of Lebanese feminists’ writings. This paper introduces the concept of mahsoubieh as a form of weak social ties generated within connective family networks. Specifically, I examine how elite, intellectual, and middle-class Lebanese women activists use the positive social capital generated by mahsoubieh to gain credibility, diffuse their political stances, and develop countervailing power. Aspects such as the size, reputation, and respectability of their kinship networks aided the Lebanese women in their fight to change the legal structure concerning women’s rights and political representation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 262-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Gwiazda

AbstractThis article examines the substantive representation of women in Poland after the 2015 parliamentary elections. By looking at the case of the Black Protests, in which tens of thousands of demonstrators, wearing black, defended women's rights by protesting a proposed total abortion ban, it revisits the existing approaches to substantive representation. Hanna Pitkin's definition is used as a starting point, but then broader questions concerning women's interests, agents, and sites of representation are considered. This article identifies a variety of interests but argues that in Poland, conservative interests dominate in parliament, although feminist interests are voiced too, especially by nonelected agents in extraparliamentary sites. This article makes an important contribution to the research on women's political representation because it deals with unexplored aspects of representation in Central and Eastern Europe.


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