The relevance of religion and the response to it: a study of religious perceptions in early Islam

1988 ◽  
Vol 120 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-287
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman

What did the Muslim citizen of the classical Islamic world mean by Islam? In what sense was it operative in his life? To what extent did an Islamic slogan signify religious commitment? The difficulty in treating these questions consists in the fact of the variety, not the dearth of answers to them. Rather than develop alternative perspectives, however, we would, in what follows, focus our study on one aspect of the life of the Muslim Umma. This is the problem of the dynamics underlying revolt, rebellion, social protest and revolution in early Islam; with reference to this aspect we would ask our basic questions. In a sense, the three questions could be resolved into one: to what extent, in what sense, and why, was Islam a factor in Muslim revolts during the first centuries? Two propositions would help treat this question, and in the course of the study, we would see if a third may also be legitimately articulated. They are as follows: first, it is possible that the disaffected Muslims in classical and medieval Islam may have tended to translate their mundane grievances into religous terms so that, for instance, the perceived threat to a particular dispensation, or the actual destruction of such a dispensation may have been interpreted as a threat to religion itself; and second, Islam may have been interpreted as the best form of propriety and justice so that those whofeltthemselves deprived considered it incumbent to fight for such justice, not necessarily because it would benefit them but because this was what Islam was, it being considered obligatory to strengthen, save, or reestablish Islam.

Author(s):  
Özcan Hıdır

AbstractAlthough it is difficult to determine the first Western scholar to claim the influence of Judaic culture on hadiths or tried to relate hadiths to the biblical texts, the Frenchman Barthelmy d’Herbelot (d. 1695) was the first orientalist to claim that many chapters in the hadith literature, including al-kutub al-sitta, were borrowed from the Talmud.The ideas and claims of some Western scholars such as Alois Sprenger, Ignaz Goldziher, Georges Vajda, and S. Rosenblatt up to the end of the 18th century led to many discussions that were defended and developed with new arguments by many Western scholars. Nowadays, the reflection of these claims in the Islamic world has become a serious hadith problem. In addition to the role of the conversion movement in the early Islam and the first Jewish converts to Islam, the non-Arabs known as almawālī, especially in the Ummayad period, and poets like Umayya ibn Abi al-Salt of the Jāhilliya period, who were believed to have read the early holy books, and preachers, are the most important factors playing a role in this influence. This study attempts to analyze the claims, opinions, and factors from the perspectives of the Islamic literature and Muslim scholars’ views towards the Jewish‐Christian tradition.


Author(s):  
Menso Folkerts ◽  
Barnabas Hughes ◽  
Roi Wagner ◽  
J. Lennart Berggren ◽  
Menso Folkerts ◽  
...  

This chapter turns to the mathematics of medieval Islam. These include the mathematical theories and practices that grew, and often flourished, in that part of the world where the dominant religious and cultural influence was the religion of Islam, though this chapter focuses on the mathematics written in Spain and North Africa. The historical period under consideration is roughly the 700 years from 750 CE to 1450 CE, although the earliest mathematical works date from around 825. The chapter first discusses the arithmetic from this period, through the works of Aḥmad ibn al-Bannā, and others. Treatises on algebra, combinatorics, geometry, and trigonometry also follow, focusing on the selected works of many notable mathematicians of medieval Islam.


1980 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Haarmann

Patricia Crone and Michael Cook take an extreme stand in their study of early Islam when they dismiss Islamic Egypt as an utterly depersonalized and assimilated part of the orthodox Muslim polity. ‘Egypt in Islam was not so much a nation or even a country as simply a place.’ In their view the Copts with their indigenous traditions and civilization had become exiles in their own country. Rustic Coptic culture, if compared with the urban Christian intellectual heritage of Syria and Mesopotamia, lacked the stamina to assert itself in. the new religious setting, and receded to the countryside. In the opinion of the authors, Egypt surrendered with extreme readiness her distinctive provincial features to the new Islamic civilization and developed into the most loyal and most prolific, yet at the same time the most parochial and imitative stronghold ofsunnīIslam. They flatly disclaim any specific Egyptian contribution to medieval Islam, even during the two centuries of schismatic Fatimid ascendancy when Cairo was the centre of an intrinsically Egyptian Empire with universal claims. So far the thesis ofHagarism.


Author(s):  
Victor J. Katz ◽  
Karen Hunger Parshall

This chapter turns to the realm of Islamic mathematics, which lasted longer than both the era of classical Greek mathematics and the age of “modern mathematics.” In the Islamic world, mathematics arose in various centers linked by networks of communication, primarily using the Arabic language, that persisted despite the general absence of political unity. Scholars turned to Greek and Mesopotamian sources, and also drew from a wellspring of “subscientific” sources. Islamic scholars during the first few hundred years of Islamic rule did more than just bring these sources together, however. They amalgamated them into a new whole and infused their mathematics with what they felt was divine inspiration, however, attitudes toward mathematical studies would change according to religious mandate. This chapter explores the history of Islamic mathematics as well as the algebraic formulations attributed to Islamic scholars.


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