The Loss of the Holy Land and Sir Isumbras: Literary Contributions to Fourteenth-Century Crusade Discourse

Speculum ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Manion
Keyword(s):  
1987 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 123-128
Author(s):  
Rosalind Hill

It is now generally accepted that the Order of Templars was destroyed not because of its heresy but because of its wealth. Having outlived its usefulness in the Holy Land, it fell a victim to the forces of financial, jealousy, not entirely unprovoked. Although in England the Order did not hold such an influential position as it did in France, it was nevertheless wealthy and very highly privileged. Edward I, himself a crusader, had in 1290 renewed and amplified a charter of Henry III which exempted the Templars from almost every kind of secular taxation, in addition to guaranteeing such valuable rights and immunities as they already held by authority of the Pope. On their English lands they enjoyed the rights of sac and soc, with all the appurtenances of a private court, and in addition they were quit of scot and geld, feudal aids, tallage and lastage and carucage, and of all tolls, charges, and payments connected with fairs throughout the land. They paid no tax on the export of wool, which their northern estates produced in abundance; in 1390 it was claimed that this privilege, in the counties of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire alone, accounted for more than half the income of the London Temple. They were free of demands for watch and ward, castle-guard, and requisitions for building the King’s works. They were exempt too from forest law, and could create assarts at pleasure; nor need they cut the claws of their dogs. Moreover, they could claim the forfeits, fines, and chattels of all felons taken upon their lands, even when these had been judged in the King’s court.


2013 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 357-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Blair Moore

While the anonymous Viaggio da Venetia al Sancto Sepolchro et al Monte Sinai, first published in Venice in 1518, was the most popular Holy Land guidebook in Renaissance Italy, the historical origins of the book have never been fully understood. From four illustrated versions of an earlier manuscript guide, the Libro d’Oltramare (1346–50), one can hypothesize about both the text and its author. The ultimate prototype for the Viaggio da Venetia was very likely one or more of these illustrated manuscripts, and the original author of both the text and illustrations was the Franciscan pilgrim Niccolò da Poggibonsi. Despite the eventual erosion of his name from the printed versions of the guidebook, the assertiveness and originality of the author parallels the production of other vernacular literature in mid-fourteenth-century Italy. Unlike Latin guidebooks of previous centuries, the intent to include illustrations that re-create the pilgrimage experience and the unprecedented descriptiveness of the prose together suggest that the book can be considered the foundational text for the genre of the illustrated pilgrimage guidebook.


1999 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA WEBB

Pilgrimage is universally recognised by historians as a principal feature of medieval popular religion, if by ‘popular’ we mean something in which the ordinary laity fully participated. While we can be confident of the fact of this participation, accurate measures of its scale are less easy to come by, while putting names to the thousands of humble participants is less easy still. Narrative sources, such as chronicles and hagiographies, tend to describe the pilgrimages of the great and good (and also of the not so good), and even when, especially in and after the fourteenth century, pilgrims themselves begin to leave accounts of their journeys for their own satisfaction, or for the edification and information of others, they can be seen, almost by definition, as standing somewhat apart from the nameless masses because they are either literate themselves, or addressing a literate pilgrimage ‘public’.The task of putting not merely names, but faces, to ‘ordinary’ pilgrims is not quite hopeless, however, although the materials which make it possible vary in their availability and abundance at different times and places. Use has been made of monastic cartularies to trace at least fragments of the biographies and family histories of members of the knightly classes whose participation in pilgrimage, it has been argued, helped to foster the crusading movement. A little later, the records of English royal government reveal the names of numerous pilgrims who sought royal licence and safe-conduct for their travels, registered the appointment of attorneys for the duration of their absence, or, as witnesses at inquisitions post mortem, remembered births and deaths by the year in which they themselves, or kin or friends, went to the Holy Land, to Canterbury, Compostela or elsewhere. Some at least of these names are those of men (and women) who occur elsewhere in surviving records and about whose lives and connections it is therefore possible to know at least a little. From all over Christendom, too, there are wills, made by intending pilgrims as a necessary part of their preparations.


Author(s):  
Suzanne M. Yeager

This chapter explores the uses of pilgrimage, crusading, and Muslim scripture in the creation of auctoritas using fourteenth-century travel accounts of Jerusalem. Medieval travellers contended with a popular view which held their writing suspect, as seen in Chaucer’s satire of the pilgrim’s tendency to curiositas. I show that some pre-modern travel writers negotiated the pitfalls of curiositas and even used it to their advantage. In their pilgrim accounts, writers like Simon Simeonis and Thomas Brygg strove to create models of their own religious, political, or social aspirations through their associations with the Holy Land. Using crusading tropes, appeals to the Bible, and even the Qur’an to negotiate the omnipresent cultural critique of pilgrimage, they fashioned an authoritative persona for writers whose exploits may have enjoyed some social utility at home. This study thus recontextualizes Chaucer’s critiques of travellers, and sheds new light on his pilgrim narrators.


Author(s):  
Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski

A forceful statement of intention with regard to the European past and future of the Levant was in preparation in the kingdom of France in the later middle ages. The Norman lawyer Pierre Dubois and the royal advisor and diplomat Philippe de Mézières both wrote treatises, each about a century apart, in which they proposed plans for the reconquest of the Holy Land. Strikingly, both advised that women should play important roles. What these two strategists had to say about the place of women in future crusading conquests suggests that a new terre d’outremer resembled the colonial future much more than it did medieval fantasy or the high medieval past.


1982 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 57-73
Author(s):  
C. J. Tyerman

At Avignon on 24 September 1321, a wealthy, middle-aged, well-connected and widely travelled Venetian merchant, Marino Sanudo, called Torsello, presented to Pope John XXII a book which he had been composing over the previous fifteen years, the Liber Secretorum (or Secreta) Fidelium Crucis, the book of the secrets of the faithful of the Cross. The full title explained the subject matter: the protection of the faithful, the conversion and destruction of the infidel and the acquisition and retention of the Holy Land in peace and security.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 1022
Author(s):  
Ourania Perdiki

Cyprus acquired special importance, especially from the thirteenth century onwards, on the Eastern Mediterranean’s pilgrimage network. Described by contemporary pilgrims as “Terra christianorum ultima”, the island was considered to be the last Christian land in the south-eastern Mediterranean on the pilgrims’ itinerary on their journey to the Holy Land. This study is concentrated on two maps of Cyprus dated to the fourteenth century and preserved in Milan: Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A95 sup. and Venice: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, gr. XI.21. It aims to explore the physical and spiritual mobility and interconnectivity in Cyprus during the late Middle Ages and to consider how these contribute to the development of pilgrimage sites directly related with maritime routes, seamen and travellers. These unique nautical maps captured the sea voyage which had Cyprus as a stopover, bringing to light new insights into fourteenth century Cyprus. The maritime shrines discussed in this article, which are usually “mixed” sacred sites, are directly related with sailors’ needs. They integrate into a wide network of communication, removing them partially from their local dimension.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Amichay Schwartz

Abstract This essay will examine the close similarity between the treatises of a Franciscan monk named Giovanni di Fedanzola and a Jewish sage named Ashtori Ha-Parḥi in the fourteenth-century Holy Land. The absence of guides for Christian pilgrims after the final departure of the Crusaders in 1291 was filled inter alia by Jews, and some new traditions regarding toponyms and geographical identifications were adopted by Christians as a result. Fedanzola mostly relied on his predecessors Burchardus de Monte Sion and Marino Sanudo. However, I will demonstrate that there are some instances where Fedanzola accepts Jewish traditions regarding locations mentioned in the Old Testament, with Ashtori Ha-Parḥi as his source. I will also show that positing a relationship between the two can clarify some obscure passages in Ashtori’s treatise, Kaftor va-feraḥ.


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