Phonology of the Sinhalese Inscriptions up to the End of the Tenth Century

1949 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-181
Author(s):  
P. B. F. Wijeratne
Keyword(s):  

1. GEIGER, in his SghG., § 21, remarks “Vowel-levelling rests on the same tendency of making the vowels of a word uniform as the vowel-assimilation. It is the equalization in two successive syllables of a —i (e) and i (e) —a to e —e, and of a — u (o) and u (o) — a to o — o.”This term “Vowel-levelling ” is redundant, for if this term is to be used it should apply equally well to vowel-assimilation. It is clear that, for instance, a — e: e — e or a — o: o — oisas much vowel-assimilation as, for instance, i — u: u —u or u —i:i —i. It is also difficult to reconcile the fact that a — i, which was shown to become i — i [cf. § 14], or i —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 18], should also become e — e, and again that a —u, which was shown to become u — u [cf. § 15], or u —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 21], should also become o — o. This e —e and o —o are not direct developments in Sgh. but are the result of contaminations which are discussed under the various categories given below, and therefore Geiger's theory of “Vowel-levelling ” falls to the ground. These contaminations are due on the one hand to the influence of loan-words and on the other to the instability in the development of Sk. s and Sk. h in Sgh.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-297
Author(s):  
Maaike van Berkel

Abstract The contributions to this Special Issue of the Journal of Abbasid Studies show that the later third/ninth to the early fifth/eleventh century witnessed the output of a variety of voluminous books, not only in the Arabic-Islamic tradition, but in chronologically parallel cultures as well. For an overall understanding of the writerly culture of the era, further exploration of the organisation of information and the development of tools to locate data is called for. My epilogue offers a step in this direction against the backdrop of fourth/tenth-century caliphal administration and the organisation of archives on the one hand, and a comparison with the later and much more studied Mamluk writerly culture on the other.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Ville Leppänen

Abstract The Gothic Bible offers valuable secondary evidence for the pronunciation of Greek in the fourth century AD. However, inferences based on such data may result in a vicious circle, as the interpretation of Gothic is, to a great extent, dependent on the historical details of contemporary Greek. I show that a circular argument can be avoided by using a novel method, which is based on the comparison of transcription correspondences of Greek loan words and biblical names occurring in the Greek original and the Gothic version. I test the method by applying it to three example cases. The first concerns the aspirated stops φ, θ, χ: Gothic evidence confirms the fricativization of these stops. The second case concerns the potential fricativization of voiced stops β, δ, γ: the results are inconclusive, which is an important finding, since this shows that Gothic cannot be used as evidence for the fricativization of these stops. The third case concerns front vowels: Gothic evidence confirms the coalescence of αι and ε on the one hand, and ει and ῑ on the other, while it also indicates that η was not (yet) pronounced as [iː] in the fourth century AD.


Antichthon ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 96-106
Author(s):  
† G.P. Shipp

This version of the life of Aesop is known only from the one manuscript, which had belonged earlier to the library of a monastery near Frascati, from which it disappeared with no mention of it after 1789 till it was rediscovered in the Pierpont Morgan collection in 1929. It was published in 1952 by B.E. Perry at the University of Illinois Press (Urbana) in his fine Aesopica I, 35-77, with much other material, including a full account of the manuscripts of the other version of the life, W.MS. G is from the end of the tenth century. Perry thinks that the original goes back to the first century A.D. and reflects the strong interest in popular versions of Aesop’s life in Egypt at this period. It has a pronounced Egyptian colouring, Isis playing a prominent part in the naive and bawdy story, with a strong opposition to Apollo. Four papyrus fragments similar to G have been found (see Perry, op. cit. 1), and various Eastern versions of part of the story are known. The manuscript has many koine features that agree with Perry’s dating, and the language can often be usefully illustrated from the modern Demotic. Features that are more likely to be errors of tradition in the manuscript are mainly unimportant late spellings.


Philosophies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Michiel Leezenberg

In this contribution, I discuss some less well-known premodern and early modern antecedents of Spinoza’s concepts and claims in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. On the one hand, I will argue, Spinoza’s notion of prophecy owes more to Moses Maimonides than to any Christian author; and through Maimonides, Spinoza may be linked to the discussion of prophecy in The Virtuous City by the tenth-century Islamic philosopher al-Farabî. Spinoza’s concern with prophecy as a popular formulation of the Divine Law may be fruitfully seen in the light of these two authors. On the other hand, Spinoza’s notion of pietas has arguably been shaped by a number of early modern authors from the Low Countries, including Thomas a Kempis and Erasmus: it does not consist in merely obeying the law, but also has a clear devotional and theist dimension of love for God and for one’s neighbors. As such, it may be associated with recent ideas on philosophy and spiritual exercises. These findings have a number of non-trivial implications for Spinoza’s place in the rise of modern, academic Western philosophy. I will discuss these implications in the context of Pierre Hadot’s influential views on philosophy as a way of life and Michel Foucault’s notion of spirituality.


1981 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 97-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lapidge

It has long been recognized that the early sections of the so-called Historia Regum, a work attributed to Symeon of Durham (ob. c. 1130) and preserved uniquely in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 139 (written c. 1164 at Sawley, Lancashire) at 5 3v–130v, originally constituted a separate work, probably composed in the pre-Conquest period and subsequently incorporated into the Historia Regum. Thomas Arnold, who edited the Historia Regum for the Rolls Series in 1885, was persuaded ‘that the more attentively any experienced person may study the curious document between pages 14 and 94 [of the edition], the more firmly will he be convinced that it is a composition of the tenth…century’. His conclusions were based on the Latin style of the work, which he regarded as ‘pretentious and bombastical on the one hand, obscure and ineffectual on the other’ and which affiliated the work, in his opinion, with other Anglo-Latin works of the tenth century. Because he believed that certain passages in the work betrayed an origin in the congregation of St Cuthbert (then at Chester-le-Street), Arnold referred to the compiler of the early sections of the Historia Regum as the ‘Cuthbertine’. His conclusions appear to have been accepted by later historians; for example, W. H. Stevenson (who referred to the early sections of the work as SD 1) wrote as follows: ‘we may readily grant that SD 1 was an older compilation, but the evidence that it was drawn up in the tenth century is, in the absence of a MS of that period, necessarily hypothetical’. No such manuscript has yet come to light, but in recent times Arnold's postulation of a tenth-century origin for the early sections has been accurately and comprehensively reinvestigated by Peter Hunter Blair. By a series of detailed stylistic arguments Hunter Blair has been able to show that the first five sections of the Historia Regum (occupying pp. 3–91 of Arnold's edition) may reasonably be regarded as the work of oneauthor. These five sections are as follows: (1) Kentish legends, particularly pertaining to the Kentish martyrs Æthelberht and Æthelred (pp. 3–13); (2) lists of Northumbrian kings (pp. 13–15); (3)material derived from Bede, particularly the Historia Abbatum (pp. 15–30); (4) a chronicle from 732 to 802 (pp. 30–68); (5) a chronicle from 849 to 887, based mainly on Asser (pp. 69–91). Hunter Blair also recognized that two passages had been interpolated at a later date into the material of these first five sections: one concerning the relics of Acca of Hexham (pp. 32–8), the other concerning those of Alchmund, also a bishop of Hexham (pp. 47–50); he reasonably suggested that these interpolations were added at Hexham in the early twelfth century. As to the date of compilation of the five early sections Hunter Blair was able to affirm, albeit cautiously, Arnold's suggestion of a tenth-century date, but he concluded that ‘in the end judgement will perhaps rest upon opinions about [their] latinity’.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 67-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lapidge

Some twenty years ago the late Professor Alistair Campbell observed that there were two broad stylistic traditions of Anglo-Latinity: the one, which he called the classical, was seen to have its principal proponent in Bede; the other, which he called the hermeneutic, was said to have its principal proponent in Aldhelm. The following discussion is an attempt to clarify Campbell's broad distinction by reference to a variety of tenth-century Anglo-Latin texts which may be described as ‘hermeneutic’. By ‘hermeneutic’ I understand a style whose most striking feature is the ostentatious parade of unusual, often very arcane and apparently learned vocabulary. In Latin literature of the medieval period, this vocabulary is of three general sorts: (1) archaisms, words which were not in use in classical Latin but were exhumed by medieval authors from the grammarians or from Terence and Plautus; (2) neologisms or coinages; and (3) loan-words. In the early medieval period (before, say, 1100) the most common source of loan-words was Greek. This was a result of the universal prestige which Greek enjoyed, particularly after the Carolingian period, when a very few exceptional men seemed to have a fundamental knowledge of the language. But sound knowledge of Greek was always restricted to a privileged minority (principally because of the lack of an adequate and widely circulated introductory primer); for the majority of medieval authors, acquaintance with continuous Greek came only through reciting the Creed, the Lord's Prayer or occasionally the psalter in Greek, and acquaintance with Greek vocabulary came through Greek–Latin glossaries. The most popular of the Greek–Latin glossaries – those based ultimately on the grammar of Dositheus – had originated as bilingual phrase-books in the bilingual world of Late Antiquity. But as first-hand knowledge of Greek disappeared, these glossaries were inevitably carelessly copied, with the result that Greek words derived from glossaries often bear little resemblance to their originals (ιχθυs. becomesiactisin several glossaries, to choose a random example). Accordingly, Greek vocabulary derived from glossaries has a distinctive flavour, either in its bizarre orthography or its unpredictable denotation, and is usually readily identifiable. In the following pages I shall attempt to show how Anglo-Latin authors of the tenth century ornamented their style by the use of archaisms, neologisms and grecisms, derived for the most part from glossaries. One point should be mentioned, however: it is customary among certain scholars of insular Latin to describe a style in which unusual words are found as ‘Hisperic’. But this term is often carelessly employed. It ought to refer strictly to the exceedingly obscure and almost secretive language of theHisperica Faminathemselves, compositions which abound in grecisms and are characterized by a predictable kind of neologism – nouns terminating in-men, -fer, -ger; verbs in-itareor-icare; adjectives in-osus. Unfortunately, however, the term ‘Hisperic’ carries with it some connotation of Ireland. TheHisperica Faminathemselves were almost certainly composed in Ireland; but all medieval Latin literature which displays neologisms and grecisms was not. Such literature usually has nothing in common with theHisperica Faminasave that it sends a modern reader to his dictionary. I would therefore urge the use of the more neutral term ‘hermeneutic’ and hope to show that the excessively mannered style of many tenth-century Anglo-Latin compositions has nothing to do with Ireland or theHisperica Famina, but is in the main an indigenous development.


1940 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. B. Henning

It is well known what an extraordinary power of absorbing foreign words Persian possesses. In addition to the innumerable Arabic words which since the creation of the New Persian literary language have formed an integral part of Persian speech, we have a fair number of Aramaic words 1 on the one hand, and of Eastern Iranian words on the other; in later times, there is also considerable borrowing from Turkish. It is, I think, proper to regard Eastern Iranian words in Persian as “loan-words” in the same way as, say, Arabic or Aramaic words; for no Eastern Iranian language is amongst the constituent dialects of Modern Persian, which can perhaps best be defined as the descendant of the current language of culture and commerce which developed in Persia during the Sasanian era. So far, little attention has been paid to the Eastern Iranian words in Persian. Horn, in his excellent paper on the New Persian literary language, quoted examples such as Balaχšān, Hilmand, fiš “mane”, fay, fuy “idol”, malaχ “locust”, bilist “span”, lōγḻdan “to milk”, etc., words whose phonetic habitus does not agree with the normal Persian development. To-day we are in a much more fortunate position since the Sogdian language has gradually become known to us: seen from Persia, Sogdian was by far the most important Eastern Iranian language, a language of culture, literature, and commerce, whose territory bordered on the area of Persian speech and extended towards the frontiers of China.


Author(s):  
T. M. Rudavsky

Chapter 10 offers a conclusion to this volume. Throughout this study, medieval philosophers—Islamic, Christian, and Jewish—have been witnessed wrestling with the project of reconciling “outside” sources and influences with their understanding of Scripture. This work has provided an account of how Jewish philosophy, from the tenth century to Spinoza, forms part of an ongoing dialogue with medieval Christian and Islamic thought. A greater understanding has been achieved of the role played by science and rational thought as articulated in the conflict between faith and reason, as represented by philosophical and scientific speculation on the one hand, and acceptance of Judaic beliefs on the other. The chapter rounds up this historical survey of the major figures and schools and its discussion of the challenge of rationalist discourse within this tradition.


Chôra ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 329-349
Author(s):  
Olga L. Lizzini ◽  

The idea that defines quiddity – independence or neutrality in relation to the modalities of existence – allows Avicenna not only to speak of a duality in the being of existing things, but also to use apparently logically incompatible notions to qualify quiddity: that of reality (or truth), on the one hand, and that of possibility (or falsity), on the other. The very conception of the independence of quiddity – which lets us consider quiddity as a separate element in the existing thing – can be recognized in the resolution of the doubt that concludes the Maqāla fī l‑tawḥīd of Yaḥyā ibn ‘Adī (d. 974). A comparison between Avicenna’s discussion of quiddity in his Metaphysics and the discourse of Yaḥyā ibn ‘Adī confirms the idea that this Christian philosopher and theologian who was active in Baghdad in the tenth century could have played an important formative role in the ontology of the great Persian philosopher.


1975 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 395-407
Author(s):  
S. Henriksen

The first question to be answered, in seeking coordinate systems for geodynamics, is: what is geodynamics? The answer is, of course, that geodynamics is that part of geophysics which is concerned with movements of the Earth, as opposed to geostatics which is the physics of the stationary Earth. But as far as we know, there is no stationary Earth – epur sic monere. So geodynamics is actually coextensive with geophysics, and coordinate systems suitable for the one should be suitable for the other. At the present time, there are not many coordinate systems, if any, that can be identified with a static Earth. Certainly the only coordinate of aeronomic (atmospheric) interest is the height, and this is usually either as geodynamic height or as pressure. In oceanology, the most important coordinate is depth, and this, like heights in the atmosphere, is expressed as metric depth from mean sea level, as geodynamic depth, or as pressure. Only for the earth do we find “static” systems in use, ana even here there is real question as to whether the systems are dynamic or static. So it would seem that our answer to the question, of what kind, of coordinate systems are we seeking, must be that we are looking for the same systems as are used in geophysics, and these systems are dynamic in nature already – that is, their definition involvestime.


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