The Republic at the Table, with Decolonisation on the Agenda: The United Nations Security Council and the Question of Indonesian Representation, 1946–1947

Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-151
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Foray

AbstractThis article examines a formative episode in the history of both the United Nations Security Council and Indonesian decolonisation. In August of 1947, Council members authorised an ad hoc delegation from the Republic of Indonesia to participate in its discussions concerning the ongoing Dutch–Indonesian conflict. Focusing on the series of developments that led to the Indonesians taking their seats at the table, this article reveals how Security Council procedures and practices could be used to facilitate the decolonisation process. The Council's involvement in the Dutch–Indonesian conflict—and, in particular, the decision to allow the Indonesians to present their case in this international arena—demonstrates that Europeans’ claims of “domestic jurisdiction” over their colonial territories remained subject to negotiation, and that non-European actors could successfully contest these claims in Council chambers.

1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Howell ◽  
Robert R. Wilson

The United Nations Security Council in a resolution passed on August 9, 1960, reaffirmed that “the United Nations force in the Congo will not be a party to or in any way intervene in or be used to influence the outcome of any internal conflict. …” A Commonwealth state, Ceylon, was a cosponsor of this precedent-making resolution. A few weeks earlier the Government of Malaya had announced a boycott on South African goods in protest against South Africa’s racial policy, another dispute involving a domestic jurisdiction plea. Commonwealth members have been parties to approximately half of the disputes in League of Nations or United Nations history that are fairly classifiable as involving pleas of domestic jurisdiction. These recent actions of Ceylon and Malaya suggest that the newer members of the Commonwealth will be no less active in shaping the domestic jurisdiction concept than the older members have been.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 960-965
Author(s):  
Scott A. Gilmore

On September 21, 2017, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2379 mandating the establishment of an Investigative Team to collect and preserve evidence for use in national courts of international crimes carried out by the terrorist group Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Resolution 2379 marks a growing trend in the United Nations’ establishment of investigative mechanisms to support the domestic prosecution of international crimes, in lieu of referrals to the International Criminal Court or creation of ad hoc international or hybrid tribunals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-155
Author(s):  
Deming HUANG ◽  
Qintong SHAN

Abstract On 5 October 2016, the President of the UN Residual Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals officially notified the United Nations Security Council of the failure of the Republic of Turkey to comply with a judicial order issued by the Mechanism which requested the authorities of Turkey to cease all legal proceedings against the MICT Judge Aydin Akay due to his immunity. This paper aims to examine issues pertinent to the immunity of an international judge arising from this situation. It also seeks to explore the conflicts behind the arrest of Judge Akay and draw some conclusions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 945-954
Author(s):  
Laura Nyantung Beny

In December 2013, civil conflict erupted between the Government of the Republic of South Sudan and opposition forces due to political infighting among the country’s political and military elites. On March 3, 2015, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 2206 pursuant to its powers under Article 41 of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Resolution 2206 provides for targeted sanctions against specific individuals and entities deemed “responsible for or complicit in, or [as] having engaged in, directly or indirectly, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security or stability of South Sudan.” The stated purpose of the targeted sanctions, which consist of a travel ban and asset freeze for designated individuals and entities, is to “support the search for an inclusive and sustainable peace in South Sudan.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-204
Author(s):  
Miroslav Stevanović ◽  
Dragan Đurđević

On the part of the Republic of Serbia, the UN Security Council has established a temporary mandate of the United Nations. During this mandate, self-government institutions should be developed, until a political solution is reached about the final political status of that part of the territory. As the territorialization of any political community implies the tradition in specific region, thus among the elements for considering are the historical ones, which are evidenced by the cultural heritage in the area. This significance is recognized at the international level and heritage enjoys international protection. In the case of Kosovo and Metohija, under the complex administration mechanism of the United Nations, temporary Kosovo institutions and the European Union, there is a large scale destruction of religious buildings, cemeteries and other sites related to the history and life of the Serbian people there. This paper looks into the implementation of the umbrella legal framework under which the destruction of cultural heritage is possible. In this context, we look at the responsibilities for protection, the theoretical approach behind current practice and the possibilities mandated by Security Council Resolution 1244. The aim of this work is to examine whether the practice of non-compliance with international law regarding the protection of cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija is a consequence of noncompliance or inconsistent application of a legally binding Security Council resolution. The analysis shows that the current protection mechanism is inadequate, that apologetic approaches are being developed in theory that justify distortion of historical facts and voluntaristic targeted interpretation of law, but that Resolution 1244 is not an obstacle to the protection of cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija. Direct involvment of the Republic of Serbia with other international subjects in protection of its heritage is in line with the development in international cultural law, which increasingly imposes the need to ensure the coordination of international entities for the implementation of international norms governing the obligation to protect cultural goods and sites. As the Republic of Serbia is the party to relevant international agreements and has a legitimate interest in preserving its identity and heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, the complexity of relations regarding the province's final status requires a special strategy to protect cultural heritage and to insist on consistent implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


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