Military Diplomacy

The armies of Arabia depend on foreign countries in many respects—as a source of protection, contract soldiers, and armaments—therefore, it is important take a closer look at their external relations. Chapter 5 begins with an analysis of the GCC, asking why it has failed to foster close military cooperation and examining the special relationships and deepening conflicts within the group. Since the Gulf’s militaries’ relations with all world regions could not possibly be tackled, the focus here is on Arab and Muslim states in the Middle East. The discussion of Gulf relations with the United States and the United Kingdom centers on the military bases they have used and maintained in Arabia. Israel has always occupied a unique place in the foreign affairs of Gulf countries; therefore, the last section of the chapter is taken up with the examination of the changing relationship between Jerusalem and the GCC.

Key Challenges Facing AMISOM in Military Diplomacy in the Horn of Africa

The world over, military diplomacy has not been always successful. This stems out of the fact that it could be faced by a plethora of challenges. This paper sets out to explore the key challenges facing AMISOM in military diplomacy in the Horn of Africa. The study adopted an exploratory and mixed methods research design. Data was obtained from a sample of 100 persons sampled from a population of 22,315 AMISOM Staff and Civilian contingent. The study employed a breadth of both primary and secondary sources for data collection. Primary data was being collected from study respondents by means of a research questionnaire and an interview schedule. The data analysis process involved both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Content analysis was mainly used to analyze the qualitative data and which would be reported normatively. Quantitative research findings were analyzed and reported using descriptive statistics, tables, graphs, charts and inferential statistics in Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS v23). Moreover, the data analysis was structured objectively to address each of the study research questions. The findings show that while competing interests may have clouded the scene at regional level, partly alluded to lack of a common approach to deal with the Somalia issue among the various countries, military diplomatic engagements by AMISOM are the most agreeable way to address regional peace and security. The study highlights the greater need for revised strategies in military diplomacy efforts and novel approaches to address competing interests among troop contributing countries that comprise AMISOM. Based on the study findings, the following recommendations were made. Arguably, the most important dimension of its success is hinged on the strategic unity and partnership of the different troops. At present however, the inconsistency in unity and strategic alliance among these countries continue to challenge the seamless command and probably influence the implementation of different military diplomacy strategies based on competing interests. Further, while assets remain a critical component of military diplomacy, the success of such multidimensional peace operations is equally anchored on a civilian component and the need for civilian capabilities. The realization of effective peacemaking and peacekeeping calls for efficient management structures at the field and in Addis for strategic and support of mission teams. AMISOM currently experiences an insufficient institutional capacity and human resources required to effectively handle complex peace operations and peacemaking initiatives. Recent assessment reveals the institution bureaucratic processes are still weak.

Evaluating the Challenges and Opportunities of the Use of Military Diplomacy in Intrastate Conflict Management in the Horn of Africa

Military diplomacy is increasingly relied on in the management of intra state conflicts globally. Far more common and controversial is the issue of combat troops to help end fighting in an intractable conflict. The Horn of Africa is an epitome of intractable regional intrastate conflicts that have attracted international, regional and even individual state military and humanitarian intervention since the 1970s. The Somalia and Sudan crises provide typical examples in which such efforts have been witnessed yet they also provide a case study of successful military diplomacy by African states in states engaged in protracted intra-state conflicts. This study was conceived to evaluate the challenges and opportunities of the use of military diplomacy in intrastate conflict management in the Horn of Africa. The study was located in the rational logic theory. It was carried out among peace groups and individuals who had participated in peace processes in the Horn of Africa. These were located in Mogadishu and Kismayu, Khartoum and Juba and embassies in Kenya that represent the Horn of Africa countries. Security personnel who have had a role in the Horn of Africa peace processes at African Union (AU), Inter - Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), East Africa Standby Force (EASF), United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), United Nations Africa (Union) Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and African (Union) Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) were key informants. The study used purposive sampling and snowballing to determine the sample size. Data was collected using interview schedules and questionnaires which were analyzed using Concurrent Nested (Embedded) Design. Secondary data were gathered and reviewed from Journals, books and published proceedings that corroborated the primary data. The findings indicate that the obscurity of the military and the rubric in the understanding of military diplomacy poses a challenge for the military to influence intrastate conflicts in the Horn of Africa. This is compounded by other challenges including the Cold War mentality that has made the region to witness a series of foreign activities leading to militarization of the Horn of Africa with establishment of military bases in the Horn of Africa. Peace support operations are expensive to manage yet the missions undertaken in the Horn of Africa lack sustainable source of funds and instead over rely on foreign funding and goodwill. With no sufficient funds, buying equipment and paying the staff becomes a big challenge. Emerging threats and clan dynamics are actualities that the use of military diplomacy was found to face as a challenge. To change these challenges into opportunities requires rational logic from all stakeholders in the conflict management process

Military Diplomacy Strategies Applied by AMISOM in Restoration of Peace and Security in the Horn of Africa

Somalia has a long history of internally inspired terror mainly arising from the threat of terrorism that has threatened both domestic and international interests and has drawn increased military efforts from both African continent partners and China and the United States. The aim to investigate the strategies applied by AMISOM in military diplomacy in the Horn of Africa. The study adopted an exploratory and mixed methods research design. Mixed methods approach allows for investigation of a broader and complex research problem enabling the researcher to utilize more than one approach, both quantitative and qualitative approach of data collection. The study target population entailed AMISOM staff who relevant respondents provided sufficient information to answer the research questions. Currently, AMISOM has 22,000 military troops, 234 police officers and 81 civilians. Moreover, the study equally targeted the Somali civilian population since they were important stakeholders in providing information on the effectiveness of military diplomacy in the country. Thus, the target population comprised 22,315 AMISOM staff and civilian contingent. Out of these, the study sampled 100. Primary data was collected from study respondents by means of a research questionnaire and an interview schedule. The data analysis process involved both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Content analysis was mainly used to analyse the qualitative data and which would be reported normatively. Quantitative research findings were analysed and reported using descriptive statistics, tables, graphs, charts and inferential statistics in Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS v23). Moreover, the data analysis was structured objectively to address each of the study research questions. This study suffices to demonstrate that AMISOM involvement in Somalia as an act of military diplomacy occasioned by the need to foster peace and regional stability on the horn of Africa region. The study demonstrated AMISOM employs different military diplomacy strategies although at different capacities. From the foregoing, the study points to the need for restructuring of AMISOM’s peace and security architecture to bring out focus and responsiveness to the dynamic nature of the conflict and the enemy. The study recommends the need for further exploration into military diplomacy in Africa, especially given the dearth in empirical literature that is mainly from the West. Following this exploration of the role of military diplomacy in restoring peace and security in the horn of Africa, this study points to research gaps on the influence of civilian component in military diplomacy efforts on peace and security. Further there is need to understand the psychological effects in AMISOM troops participating in military diplomacy efforts in Somalia.

Xi Jinping, “China Dream”, and Chinese Military Diplomacy to ASEAN

The rise of Xi Jinping has brought together the idea of the ‘China Dream’ as a great revival of China. Since the dream referred to the nationalism spirit of a ‘century of humiliation,’ it has made national security issues as the core of China’s diplomacy. While the national security-related foreign policy has enhanced the military's role in China’s foreign policy-making, it brings consequences for China’s tougher stance in protecting China’s national security. However, Xi Jinping’s notion of using military diplomacy has started uneasy relationships between China and some ASEAN countries resulting in ‘ongoing negotiation without progress’ for the South China Sea dispute. The research examines the impacts of the military’s growing role in China’s foreign policy under Xi Jinping to its military diplomacy in ASEAN. The results show that Xi Jinping’s leadership and vision of the China Dream, which uses military diplomacy as a key tool for advancing its whole diplomatic goals, has been seen as a sign of growing assertiveness.

Justice between Wars

One way to tell the story of contemporary ethics of war is as a gradual expansion of the period of time to which theorists attend in relation to war, from ad bellum and in bello to post bellum and ex bello. Ned Dobos, in his new book, Ethics, Security, and the War-Machine, invites us to expand this attention further to the period between wars, which he calls jus ante bellum. In this essay, I explore two significant implications of this shift in normative focus. First, I argue that it opens up an important and productive field of the ethics of military policy-making outside of conflict, including procurement, training, force posture, and military diplomacy. Second, I argue that attending to the relationship between ante bellum and ad bellum considerations contains the seeds of a powerful pacifist argument.

Securing the emperor, securitising the guns: the strangely delayed dissemination of Ottoman military technology in the late Ming empire

This article analyses the reasons behind the delayed appropriation and adoption of Ottoman harquebuses by the Ming army. Although these weapons had reached the empire by the mid-16th century, their existence was only acknowledged at the end of the century. Through the lens of securitisation, I will argue that this delay was a result of the context of Luso-Ottoman geopolitical rivalries in which these weapons were possibly leveraged as an incentive to form a Sino-Ottoman alliance against the Portuguese. I will argue that a civil bureaucracy averse to assertive activist rulership could have prevented the emperor from participating in the resulting military diplomacy. By comparing this event with a later Dutch East India Company embassy with similar geopolitical intentions, I will argue that the Ming civil officials achieved their goal by controlling the emperor�s perception of Ottoman intentions. In terms of securitisation, this meant that the emperor himself was the main audience and his officials the securitising agents in matters of foreign relations.

From a Red Army soldier to a military diplomat

In No. 5/2020 of our magazine, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the creation of the United Nations, it was mentioned that representatives of the military diplomacy took part in the development of the UN Charter: Rear Admiral Rodionov K. K. and Lieutenant General Slavin N. V. This article refers to another military diplomat who was also part of the Soviet delegation to the San Francisco Conference and actively participated in the preparation of the most important UN document, Lieutenant General Vasiliev A. F., an offi cer of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

DIPLOMACY AND DEFENSE SPATIAL PLANNING

The border issue is one of the important aspects related to the main elements for the establishment of a state. From a defense point of view, the unclear physical and juridical boundaries of the territory will make it even more difficult to carry out border security. Therefore, efforts are needed to resolve land border disputes. The relationship between Indonesia and Timor Leste was marked by land border disputes following Timor Leste, which became a sovereign state. Diplomacy needs to be carried out by the two states, especially for Indonesia to support the ideal defense spatial arrangement. This paper analyzes the relationship between diplomacy and defense spatial planning by taking lessons from the settlement of land border disputes between Indonesia and Timor Leste. Keywords: Defense diplomacy, military diplomacy, border dispute.