UN Peacekeeping Operations and Successful Military Diplomacy: A Case Study of Pakistan

Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-150
Author(s):  
Gaurav Bhattarai ◽  
Beenita Nepali

After joining the United Nations in 1955, Nepal not only initiated its non-isolationist foreign policy, but also effectively championed the policy of non-alignment, world peace and non-intervention at several multilateral forums and UN bodies. The most outstanding and globally applauded effort has been Nepal’s contribution in the maintenance of global peace and security through UN peacekeeping missions. Adhering to the eastern philosophy of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’, which envisions the entire world as one family, today, Nepal is the 5th largest troop contributor to the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). But most of the literature produced on Nepal’s role in the United Nations peacekeeping mission are either too general and mere archival or focussed only on glorifying the contribution of Nepali soldiers in different peacekeeping missions. Identifying the same research gap, this study aims to appraise Nepal’s participation in UN peacekeeping missions from Nepal’s foreign policy objective of world peace. To fulfill the same objective, the ethos of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam has been foregrounded in the study. Initially, the general understanding of UN peacekeeping in Nepal was associated with bravery, which was later replaced by the concept of ‘kamaune’, which means to earn from the missions. But this study has deliberately cloaked the economic variable of peacekeeping and foregrounds the philosophical drive to highlight how Nepal’s peacekeeping should find more places in political and foreign policy measurement rather than being confined to the financial and institutional variables.


Author(s):  
Pablo Castillo Díaz

Since 2000, the United Nations Security Council has adopted eight resolutions on the protection and empowerment of women in conflict situations. Increasing the representation of women in peacekeeping, and particularly among uniformed personnel, is one of the most repeated goals of these resolutions. However, only three percent of military personnel in peacekeeping operations are women and this percentage has barely budged in recent years. This lack of progress in UN missions has coincided with a period of historically significant advances in the integration of women in national armed forces, a time in which the mandates and design of peacekeeping operations more directly and explicitly called for the participation of women, and a growing perception among gender equality advocates that the presence of female troops in peace operations was being given too much emphasis, rather than too little. This article outlines the parameters of this debate in the United Nations over the last few years, and attempts to explain these apparent contradictions. Po letu 2000 je Varnostni svet Organizacije združenih narodov sprejel osem resolucij o zaščiti in opolnomočenju žensk v konfliktnih situacijah. Med glavnimi cilji teh resolucij je povečati zastopanost žensk v mirovnih operacijah, še zlasti med uniformiranim osebjem. Med vojaškimi pripadniki v mirovnih operacijah je le tri odstotke žensk, ta odstotek se je v zadnjih letih komaj kaj spremenil. Slab napredek v misijah OZN je sovpadal z obdobjem zgodovinskega napredka pri vključevanju žensk v nacionalne oborožene sile. V tem obdobju sta se zaradi mandatov in oblike mirovnih operacij pojavila bolj ali manj neposredna in odkrita potreba po sodelovanju žensk ter vse večje spoznanje zagovornikov enakosti spolov, da se sodelovanju pripadnic na mirovnih misijah posveča prej preveč kot premalo pozornosti. V članku so predstavljeni argumenti razprave, ki v Združenih narodih na to temo poteka zadnjih nekaj let, ter poskusi razlage teh navideznih protislovij.


Author(s):  
Yaryna Zhukorska

The first two official UN missions to launch UN peacekeeping operations were the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization(Israel) and the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan.The UN’s peacekeeping activities, in its traditional sense, came at a time when confrontation between the parties to the Cold Warparalyzed the Security Council in 1956 during the Suez Crisis.In order to understand how peacekeeping has evolved from its inception to the present day, as well as to be able to assess howits effectiveness has grown, the author proposes to divide the history of peacekeeping missions into periods.In 1987, 5 peacekeeping operations were carried out, and in 1993 their number reached 19, in 1995 – 20. In 2019 – 14 peacekeepingmissions were carried out. However, not all peacekeeping operations are carried out only by the UN. Between 2004 and 2013,regional organizations and situational alliances were involved in stabilizing the conflict (as in the case of the CAR, Chad and Darfurmissions).Peacekeeping has become a unique example of global cooperation as a major UN body, such as the General Assembly, the SecurityCouncil, the Secretariat; and States, both those providing military and police contingents and those receiving missions.Throughout its history, there have been setbacks and victories, but peacekeeping has proved the necessity of its existence. It hasbecome a unique example of global cooperation as a major UN body, such as the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Secretariat;and States, both those providing military and police contingents and those receiving missions.Given all the shortcomings and problems that have arisen during peacekeeping missions for half a century, in 2000 the UN beganreforming the peacekeeping mechanism, which continues to this day.Since 1948, UN peacekeeping has evolved significantly and become much more effective, but there are still problems with thelegitimacy of UN missions, human rights violations and others.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 721-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soumita Basu

As of June 2017, there were eight United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) on “women and peace and security”—UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, and 2242. These UNSCRs recognize the gendered nature of armed conflicts and peace processes. They propose institutional provisions geared mainly toward protecting women and girls during armed conflicts and promoting their participation in conflict resolution and prevention. In addition, in March 2016, the Security Council adopted UNSCR 2272, which recommends concrete steps to combat sexual exploitation and abuse in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, an issue that is of significant concern for women, peace, and security (WPS) advocates. The volume of resolutions and policy literature on WPS would suggest that UNSCR 1325 and the follow-up UNSCRs have become central to the mandate of the Security Council. Yet there is a paucity of financial resources to pay for implementation of the resolutions; this has been described as “perhaps the most serious and persistent obstacle … over the past 15 years” (UN Women 2015, 372).


Author(s):  
А.А. Синдеев

Актуальность статьи определяется востребованностью на нынешнем этапе осмысления опыта современной России исследований, посвященных процессам, явлениям, принципам и подходам, сопровождавшим формирование ее внешней политики. При этом речь идет как об универсальном, так и об индивидуальном (личностном) уровнях. Об актуальности выбранной темы свидетельствуют совпавшие в 2020 году два юбилея — Организации Объединенных Наций, ее Совета Безопасности и юбилей министра иностранных дел России Сергея Викторовича Лаврова. С учетом последнего факта данная статья не носит свойственного юбилейным статьям характера. Ее цель состоит в том, чтобы проанализировать, какие принципы и подходы в конце ХХ — начале XXI века были положены в основу российской внешней политики. Для реализации заявленной цели автор использовал открытые источники — послания Президента РФ В. В. Путина Федеральному собранию с 2000 по 2004 год, а также все протоколы заседаний Совета Безопасности ООН за вышеуказанный хронологический период, и выделил для статьи те из них, которые касались борьбы с терроризмом, поскольку эта проблематика была востребована в 2000–2004 годах и предоставляла хорошие шансы для объединения усилий различных партнеров. Данные материалы потребовали применения системного подхода, историко-генетического, историко-типологического и сравнительно-исторического методов. Результатами проведенного исследования стали систематизация официальных внешнеполитических установок, анализ принципов и подходов, использованных С. В. Лавровым на посту постоянного представителя России в Совбезе ООН. Полученные результаты необходимо воспринимать как предварительные. Работа над проблемой должна быть продолжена. The relevance of the article is accounted for by the necessity to analyze and reassess research works devoted to the processes, phenomena, principles and strategies that have shaped the foreign policy of modern Russia. The article treats the issue on both universal and individual (personal) levels. The relevance of the issue is accounted for by two anniversaries we celebrate in 2020, namely the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council and the 70th birth anniversary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergey Viktorovich Lavrov. It should be noted, however, that the tone of the article is not celebratory. It is aimed at the analysis of principles and strategies of the foreign policy adopted by the Russian Federation in the late 20th — early 21stcenturies. To achieve the aim of the research, the author of the article analyzes open sources, such as Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation given by the Russian president Vladimir Putin in 2000–2004, and all the minutes of meetings of the United Nations Security Council in 2000–2004. The author focuses attention on speeches devoted to the struggle against terrorism, for the issue was highly relevant in 2000–2004 and demanded that partners should coordinate their efforts to combat common challenges. To analyze the abovementioned data, the author of the article employed systemic approach, history and genetic approach, historical-typological approach, comparative-historical approach. The research enabled the author to systematize official guidelines of Russian foreign policy and to analyze the principles and strategies used by S. V. Lavrov as permanent representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations Security Council. It should be noted that the findings of the research are preliminary and require further analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 562-592
Author(s):  
Wemblley Lucena de Araújo ◽  
Carlos Enrique Ruiz Ferreira

O presente trabalho apresenta um panorama da atuação do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) na qualidade de membro não permanente no biênio 2004-2005. Esse foi o nono mandato brasileiro junto ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). Diante da conjuntura analisada, o país já detinha certo protagonismo nas questões que envolvem a paz e a segurança internacional. Destas credenciais, as posições do Brasil nesse biênio estiveram pautadas nos princípios da política externa brasileira, como a ênfase no multilateralismo, resolução de controvérsias por meios pacíficos, respeito à soberania, promoção do desenvolvimento das sociedades pós-conflito e repudio as violações de direitos humanos. O destaque da atuação do Brasil no período em análise tange às principais discussões realizadas no CSNU, tais como: o estabelecimento da MINUSTAH, a reconstrução do Timor Leste, os desafios para o continente africano; o problema das questões nucleares, os conflitos no Oriente Médio e as questões de combate ao terrorismo. Ainda, foi durante este biênio, que o Brasil lançou-se na aliança G4 a fim de fortalecer seu desígnio de compor o CSNU na qualidade de membro permanente.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; Conselho de Segurança; Organização das Nações Unidas; Mandato 2004-2005.  Abstract: The present paper shows an overview of Brazil's role in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) in the non-permanent membership in 2004-2005. This was the ninth Brazilian mandate in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). On the analyzed scenario, the country already had a certain role on issues involving peace and international security. These credentials, Brazil's positions in this biennium were guided by the principles of Brazilian foreign policy, as the emphasis on multilateralism, dispute resolution through peaceful means, respect for sovereignty, promoting the development of post-conflict societies and repudiate the human rights violations. The highlight of Brazil's performance in the period under review with respect to major discussions in the UNSC, such as the establishment of MINUSTAH, the reconstruction of East Timor, the challenges for the African continent; the problem of the nuclear issues, conflicts in the Middle East and combat terrorism issues. Still, it was during this biennium, that Brazil was launched in alliance G4 to strengthen his plan to compose the UNSC as a permanent member.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; Security Council; The United Nations; Mandate 2004-2005.


Author(s):  
Sunday Omotuyi

The recent vigorous campaign by Nigerian government for a permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council is, like previous attempts, hinged on the country’s ‘track record’ in peacekeeping operations. However, in recent years, particularly since the uprising of the Boko Haram terrorist group, it appears that Nigeria’s commitment to this role has diminished considerably in its foreign policy priorities. This article, against this background, makes three arguments: First, it argues that Nigeria’s reluctance to keep faith with its peacekeeping mission is undermining the critical platform under which the quest for the seat is based. Second, notwithstanding the possession of the realist’s attributes of a regional leader, Nigeria’s poor image and dearth of soft power has created legitimacy crisis for it among regional states and beyond as none of its traditional allies in the Security Council has thrown its weight behind its bid. Finally, the study shows that the preponderance number of Nigerians does not subscribe to Nigeria’s bid in view of the security and socio-economic crises battling the country. Rather than dissipating energy on the quest, such effort should be channelled towards addressing the myriad domestic challenges threatening human security in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-547
Author(s):  
Natalia Bandeira Ramos Coelho

Este artigo buscar ampliar a compreensão de um dos principais objetivos da diplomacia brasileira, a candidatura do Brasil ao Conselho de Segurança da ONU (CSNU). O relançamento oficial dessa meta da política externa foi feito pelo Chanceler Celso Amorim, em 1994, durante o governo do Presidente Itamar Franco. Realizou-se uma análise dessa aspiração do Estado brasileiro a partir do estudo comparativo dos discursos proferidos pelos governos dos Presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) nas Sessões Anuais de abertura da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas (AGNU).  Abstract: This article seeks to broaden understanding of one of the main objectives of Brazilian Foreign Policy: the latter’s campaign for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). The current aspiration to rise to a a long-lasting member status in the UN’s most exclusive body was launched in 1994 by the government of former President Itamar Franco, during the tenure of Foreign Affairs Minister Celso Amorim. This study makes a comparative analysis of the speeches made by the administrations of Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), delivered at the annual sessions of the UN General Assembly.


Author(s):  
Miwa Hirono

In the early 1990s the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) began looking beyond traditional war-fighting operations and engaging in so-called military operations other than war (MOOTW), which include United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. Before the late 1980s, China repeatedly objected to UN peacekeeping activities as violations of, or interference in, the affairs of sovereign states. However, it reversed its policy in November 1988 when it joined the UN Special Peacekeeping Committee. Since its first peacekeeping operation in 1990, China’s involvement in such operations has expanded steadily. Among the United Nations Security Council permanent member states, China has most often contributed the largest number of peacekeeping personnel (monthly contribution being 2,583 persons on average in 2017). As of September 2018 it ranks eleventh among the nations that contribute military and police forces to UN missions and first among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. In 2016, China’s financial contribution to UN peacekeeping operations surpassed that of Japan—formerly the second largest contributor—to now rank as the second largest contributor. At a UN peacekeeping summit in September 2015, Xi Jinping declared that China would further support UN peacekeeping by establishing a permanent peacekeeping police force, creating an eight-thousand-strong standby force and contributing US$1 billion in military assistance to the African Union. China’s peacekeeping contribution has evolved in terms of quality as well. The majority of Chinese peacekeepers dispatched from the People’s Liberation Army are so-called force enablers such as engineers and medical and transportation companies; however, when they go to areas in which force-protection is necessary, and the protection of civilians is included in UN mandates, China dispatches “security units,” “guard detachments,” or infantry forces equipped with light arms and armored vehicles. China’s peacekeeping activity has attracted the attention of not only China scholars but also those who study international peacekeeping: this is because the abovementioned expanding activities specifically, and the rise of China more generally, may have considerable impact on the future of international peacekeeping. The key debate in China’s peacekeeping literature resonates with a wider international relations debate on the implication of China’s rise for the international order—is China a “status quo” power that helps strengthen the existing international peacekeeping order, or a “revisionist” power that challenges it? In other words, to what extent does China’s behavior accord with or begin to shape the evolving international norms of UN peacekeeping, which have been established by dominant Western states over a long period? Relatedly, China’s expanding contribution to UN peacekeeping also raises a question about what approach China might have to one of its diplomatic principles—that of non-intervention/non-interference. Although UN peacekeeping operations can go ahead only when host states give consent to such operations, contemporary peacekeeping takes place where there is no peace to keep. Thus, troop contributing countries will have to take up arms and engage in fighting when necessary. Further, the UN is “assisting,” or sometimes close to creating, the fundamental components of sovereign states—a judiciary system, police and military forces, and sociopolitical institutions, among others. China’s proactive participation in this type of operation may meddle with its principle of non-intervention/non-interference. Many policy-relevant studies, such as those by the International Crisis Group and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), provide policy recommendations to Chinese and Western governments suggesting ways in which China’s peacekeeping contribution can be beneficial to the current peacekeeping order. Given that the study of China’s peacekeeping began, in the main, in the 2000s, the majority of publications can be found in journals, with the exception of a number of autobiographies written by Chinese peacekeepers, which have been published as books in the Chinese language.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document