Empowering the Police: How the Chinese Communist Party Manages Its Coercive Leaders

2014 ◽  
Vol 219 ◽  
pp. 625-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Public Security ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

AbstractHow does the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) secure the loyalty of its coercive leaders, and its public security chiefs in particular, in the face of numerous domestic protests every year? This article presents the first quantitative analysis of contemporary China's coercive leaders using an original data set of provincial public security chiefs and public security funding during the reform era. I demonstrate that the CCP, owing to its concern for regime stability, has empowered the public security chiefs by incorporating them into the leadership team. Empowered public security chiefs then have stronger bargaining power over budgetary issues. I rely on fieldwork, qualitative interviews and an analysis of Party documents to complement my statistical analysis. The findings of this analysis shed light on the understanding of regime durability, contentious politics and the bureaucracy in China.

The Registration Challenge

2019 ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
John James Kennedy ◽  
Yaojiang Shi
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Song Dynasty ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Rural China ◽  
Birth Registration ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Northern Song ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

The registration of households has a long history in China, from the imperial period to the People’s Republic of China. The baojia system of security and local registration was used in China from its inception during the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127) to the Republican period (1912–1949). After 1949, the Chinese Communist Party began massive registration campaigns. The household registration (hukou) law was introduced in 1958. Incessant problems associated with local leader autonomy and inconsistent reporting persisted from the traditional baojia into the current hukou system. Indeed, birth registration was a challenge for the Chinese Communist Party from the beginning and continued to be so into the reform era, especially with the massive administrative changes and decentralization in rural China that began in 1979. Uneven implementation meant that the birth registration process was inconsistent over time and geographically across rural China.

scholarly journals PARTICIPATION IN ANTI-JAPANESE DEMONSTRATIONS IN CHINA: EVIDENCE FROM A SURVEY ON THREE ELITE UNIVERSITIES IN BEIJING

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Zhou ◽  
Hanning Wang
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
University Students ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Elite Universities ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Actual Participation

AbstractNationwide anti-Japanese demonstrations have erupted in China periodically in recent years. This study investigates what factors make university students more motivated to participate in anti-Japanese demonstrations. We collected original data on 1,458 university students in Beijing in June 2014, inquiring about both actual and possible future participation. We find that students are more willing to participate in future demonstrations (1) when they believe that anti-Japanese demonstrations benefit China's diplomacy (instrumentality), and (2) when they have prior demonstrators in their social networks (diffusion). However, when it comes to actual participation, only diffusion plays a significant role while instrumentality does not. While students claim that they are motivated by beliefs that demonstrations will matter for China's diplomacy, they actually turn out only when networks operate. In addition, membership in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) does not affect prospective participation but deters actual participation. The CCP actually discourages participation in recent anti-Japanese demonstrations.

From “Rubber Stamps” to “Iron Stamps”: The Emergence of Chinese Local People's Congresses as Supervisory Powerhouses

2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 724-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young Nam Cho
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Meaningful Role

This article analyses Chinese local people's congresses' supervision of governments in order to see whether people's congresses have played a meaningful role in the reform era. The article will show that the main strategies of people's congresses have been to gain the support of the Chinese Communist Party and to co-operate with governments, rather than to use confrontation, in an effort to overcome their lower political status. But after primarily achieving these goals by the early 1990s, people's congresses have also started to employ the confrontation strategy towards governments. At the same time, people's congresses have actively pioneered new supervisory measures so that they overcome current problematic legal and legislative systems. As a result, legislative supervision began to influence governments and officials significantly in the early 1990s. So people's congresses, along with the Party and governments, have become important political actors in local politics, even though they are not as influential as the other two institutions.

Flesh Searches in China

Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Contemporary China ◽  
Chinese State ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Relationship

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.

scholarly journals Student governments in Chinese higher education: reflection on college students’ and student cadres’ political trust

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei Huang ◽  
Panpan Yao ◽  
Fan Li ◽  
Xiaowei Liao
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
College Students ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Power Distribution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Chinese Higher Education ◽  
Student Government ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

AbstractThis paper documents the structure and operations of student governments in contemporary Chinese higher education and their effect on college students’ political trust and party membership. We first investigate the structure and power distribution within student governments in Chinese universities, specifically focusing on the autonomy of student governments and the degree to which they represent students. Second, using a large sample of college students, we examine how participating in student government affects their political trust and party membership. Our results show that student government in Chinese higher education possesses a complex, hierarchical matrix structure with two main parallel systems—the student union and the Chinese Communist Party system. We found that power distribution within student governments is rather uneven, and student organisations that are affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party have an unequal share of power. In addition, we found that students’ cadre experience is highly appreciated in student cadre elections, and being a student cadre significantly affects their political trust and party membership during college.

Control and Style: Discipline Inspection Commissions Since the 11th Congress

1984 ◽  
Vol 97 ◽  
pp. 24-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Young
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

The legacies of the Cultural Revolution have been nowhere more enduring than in the Chinese Communist Party organization. Since late 1967, when the process of rebuilding the shattered Party began, strengthening Party leadership has been a principal theme of Chinese politics; that theme has become even more pronounced in recent years. It is now claimed that earlier efforts achieved nothing, and that during the whole “decade of turmoil” until 1976, disarray in the Party persisted and political authority declined still further. Recent programmes of Party reform, therefore, still seek to overcome the malign effects of the Cultural Revolution in order to achieve the complementary objectives of reviving abandoned Party “traditions” and refashioning the Party according to the new political direction demanded by its present leaders.

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