Notational equivalence in tonal geometry

Phonology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-296
Author(s):  
Chris Oakden
Keyword(s):  
Low Complexity ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Theoretic Analysis ◽  
Computational Framework ◽  
Geometric Models ◽  
Structural Content ◽  
Empirical Coverage ◽  
Chinese Dialects ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Restrictive Definition

This paper employs a computational framework to demonstrate that two competing feature-geometric models of tonal representation are notationally equivalent. A model-theoretic analysis of these structures using a low-complexity logic yields two main results. First, the current study demonstrates that the models do not differ in their empirical coverage of assimilatory tone-sandhi processes in Chinese dialects, contrary to previous claims. Second, the models are shown to be bi-interpretable (using a more restrictive definition of bi-interpretability than earlier studies), thus providing a formally rigorous demonstration that the differences between the structures of the models are superficial, rather than substantive. The computational characterisation pursued here is well suited to questions of notational equivalence, because it allows for a principled comparison of the empirical coverage and structural content of two models using a single formalism.

Indirect tone-prominence interaction in Kunming tone sandhi

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hui-shan Lin
Keyword(s):  
Special Kind ◽  
Head Position ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Similar Correlation ◽  
Beijing Mandarin ◽  
Chinese Dialects

Abstract Kunming exhibits a special kind of interaction between tone and prominence whereby the prosodic headedness is shown to play an indirect role in tone sandhi. Due to higher-ranked tonal faithfulness constraints, lower tones, which are universally unfavored in the head position, do not change to higher tones, and higher tones, which are universally unfavored in the non-head position, do not change to lower tones. Nonetheless, though the unfavored tone-(non-)head correlation does not directly trigger tone sandhi, it indirectly decides whether tone sandhi will take place. Falling tones, inter-syllabic tone segment disagreement, and tonal combinations with identical contours are marked tonal structures in the language. But not all these structures result in tone sandhi. The penalization of these structures is tied to an unfavored tone-(non-)head correlation; only when an undesired tone-(non-)head correlation is involved are the marked tonal structures penalized. The indirect tone-(non-)head interaction observed in Kunming is special but not unique to the language as a similar correlation is found in the Chinese dialects of Dongshi Hakka and Beijing Mandarin.

How Many Urban Brownfields are Out There?: An Economic Base Contraction Analysis of 31 U.S. Cities

1998 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Simons
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Base ◽  
Central Cities ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Brownfield Sites ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Restrictive Definition ◽  
Base Contraction

How many brownfield sites are there in the United States? Although numerous federal and state lists of contaminated lands are known—totaling more than 380,000 sites—there is no comprehensive estimate of unlisted or total brownfield sites. This article uses economic base contraction analysis to provide an estimate of the number and acreage of brownfield sites, by type and as a percentage of the land, in 31 large cities in the United States. This approach recognizes that brownfields are the outcome of years of decline in central-city manufacturing, trade, transportation, and residential uses. Using a moderately restrictive definition of brownfield, there are an estimated 75,000 formerly industrial brownfield sites in these U.S. central cities, on 93,000 acres. This is about 5% of the land area in these communities. Another 20,000 acres are present in these same cities in the form of residential brownfields. These findings imply that the overall number of nonresidential brownfields sites in the United States is at least 500,000 to 600,000 or more.

The complexity of ascendant sequences in locally nilpotent groups

2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (02) ◽  
pp. 189-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris J. Conidis ◽  
Richard A. Shore
Keyword(s):  
Nilpotent Groups ◽  
Low Complexity ◽  
Order Type ◽  
Usual Definition ◽  
Locally Nilpotent Groups ◽  
Locally Nilpotent ◽  
Normal Form Theorem ◽  
Algebraic Normal Form ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Transfinite Recursion

We analyze the complexity of ascendant sequences in locally nilpotent groups, showing that if G is a computable locally nilpotent group and x0, x1, …, xN ∈ G, N ∈ ℕ, then one can always find a uniformly computably enumerable (i.e. uniformly [Formula: see text]) ascendant sequence of order type ω + 1 of subgroups in G beginning with 〈x0, x1, …, xN〉G, the subgroup generated by x0, x1, …, xN in G. This complexity is surprisingly low in light of the fact that the usual definition of ascendant sequence involves arbitrarily large ordinals that index sequences of subgroups defined via a transfinite recursion in which each step is incomputable. We produce this surprisingly low complexity sequence via the effective algebraic commutator collection process of P. Hall, and a related purely algebraic Normal Form Theorem of M. Hall for nilpotent groups.

scholarly journals On the computational complexity of dynamic slicing problems for program schemas

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 1339-1362 ◽  
Author(s):  
SEBASTIAN DANICIC ◽  
ROBERT. M. HIERONS ◽  
MICHAEL R. LAURENCE
Keyword(s):  
Computational Complexity ◽  
Structural Properties ◽  
Program Slicing ◽  
Np Hard ◽  
Complexity Bounds ◽  
Dynamic Slicing ◽  
Original Program ◽  
Control Dependence ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Restrictive Definition

Given a program, a quotient can be obtained from it by deleting zero or more statements. The field of program slicing is concerned with computing a quotient of a program that preserves part of the behaviour of the original program. All program slicing algorithms take account of the structural properties of a program, such as control dependence and data dependence, rather than the semantics of its functions and predicates, and thus work, in effect, with program schemas. The dynamic slicing criterion of Korel and Laski requires only that program behaviour is preserved in cases where the original program follows a particular path, and that the slice/quotient follows this path. In this paper we formalise Korel and Laski's definition of a dynamic slice as applied to linear schemas, and also formulate a less restrictive definition in which the path through the original program need not be preserved by the slice. The less restrictive definition has the benefit of leading to smaller slices. For both definitions, we compute complexity bounds for the problems of establishing whether a given slice of a linear schema is a dynamic slice and whether a linear schema has a non-trivial dynamic slice, and prove that the latter problem is NP-hard in both cases. We also give an example to prove that minimal dynamic slices (whether or not they preserve the original path) need not be unique.

PIG, TONE SANDHI AND WUMIN

1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182
Author(s):  
William L. Ballard
Keyword(s):  
Potential Role ◽  
Historical Linguistics ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
The Past ◽  
Language History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Chinese Dialects ◽  
Historical Relationship

Several scholars have made various remarks about the language history of the Wu and Min areas. Some of these remarks concern non-Chinese languages that may have been spoken in the area(s) and that may have left some traces in the forms of Chinese spoken there now (substrata). Other remarks concern the possible prehistory of what appear now to be transitional or mixed forms, or features that may be present due to some ancient influence or borrowing. In considering such matters it is important to keep in mind the basic principles (and biases) of historical linguistics, and of the potential role of philological materials in the discussion. My fieldwork in China this spring, as well as my research in the past, point to some special historical relationship between southern Wu and northern Min. This appears to mean that the boundaries between the northern and southern types of each of the two dialect groups are stronger than they have been portrayed in the past, and that the traditional boundary between Wu and Min is considerably weaker than has been supposed. The total sum of dialect facts cannot be ignored in trying to ascertain the language history of this area; it would appear that various elements of the traditional view of the history of the southern dialects are in error in various ways. In particular, it is at least possible that Wu and Min, in some sense, share a common ancestor not common to any other Chinese dialects.

Idoteidae of Australia and New Zealand (Crustacea : Isopoda : Valvifera)

1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 197 ◽  
Author(s):  
GCB Poore ◽  
HM Lew Ton
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Northern Hemisphere ◽  
Western Australia ◽  
New Genus ◽  
Southern Coast ◽  
Cosmopolitan Species ◽  
Australian Species ◽  
Sea Grass ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Restrictive Definition

The isopod family Idoteidae is diagnosed to distinguish it from other valviferan families. It is represented in Australia by 23 species and in New Zealand by four species. Except for the pelagic cosmopolitan species, Idotea metallica, all species occur only in shallow macroalgae and sea-grass habitats and are mostly confined to temperate waters. In Australia, the species have more or less limited ranges along the southern coast between Sydney (33°S.) and just north of Perth (29°S.) with the exception of three species which occur in subtropical Western Australia. In New Zealand, no species is found north of Wellington (41°S.). The valviferan family-groups are briefly reviewed and the Idoteidae rediagnosed. The Australian species Lyidotea nodata Hale, 1929 is removed to the arcturid complex, but its family placement is uncertain. Some species from New Zealand, 'Austridotea (Austridotea)' annectans Nicholls, 1937, 'A. (A.)' benhami Nicholls, 1937, 'Notidotea' lacustris (Thomson, 1879), and Idotea festiva Chilton, 1885, are regarded as chaetiliids and are also excluded. A new genus, Batedotea, is erected for Crabyzos elongata Miers. A neotype is selected for Zdotea stricta Dana and the species' position in Euidotea is confirmed. All genera and species are diagnosed and illustrated and complete synonymies are given. A key for their identification is presented. The Australian species are: Batedotea elongata (Miers), Crabyzos longicaudatus Bate, Engidotea cristata, sp. nov., Euidotea bakeri (Collinge), E. caeruleotincta Hale, E. danai, sp. nov., Euidotea halei, sp. nov., E. peronii (Milne Edwards), E. stricta (Dana), I. brevicorna Milne Edwards, I. metallica Bosc, Paridotea aquarii, sp. nov., P. collingei, sp. nov., P. miersi, sp, nov., P. munda Hale, P. simplex, sp. nov., P. ungulata (Pallas), Pentidotea australis Hale, Synidotea grisea, sp. nov., S. keablei, sp. nov., S. watsonae, sp. nov., Synidotea sp. and Synischia levidensis Hale. The New Zealand species are: Batedotea elongata (Miers), Euidotea durvillei, sp. nov., I. metallica Bosc and Paridotea ungulata (Pallas). A more restrictive definition of the Idotea implies that many of its Northern Hemisphere species may need to be included in other genera. Idotea hectica (Pallas) is placed in Synischia Hale.

Contour-tone spreading and tone sandhi in Danyang Chinese

Phonology ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie K. M. Chan
Keyword(s):  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Chinese Dialects ◽  
Tone Spreading

An important contribution to our knowledge of tone sandhi among the Chinese dialects is Lü's (1980) article on the tones and tone sandhi behaviour of Danyang, a Wu dialect of Chinese. Lü's description of Danyang is, to date, our only source on the dialect. While it is a northern Wu dialect, the tone sandhi patterning in Danyang differs from Shanghai, Suzhou, Wuxi and other dialects in the vicinity. There are a number of interesting problems related to tone in the dialect. This paper restricts the topic to only one of these problems, namely the treatment of the six basic tone patterns in Danyang, focusing in particular on the pattern in which a contour tone is copied Onto adjacent syllables in the tone sandhi domain.

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