EXPLAINING THE THIRD REICH: ETHICS, BELIEFS, INTERESTS

2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
DEVIN O. PENDAS

In recent years, the historiography of Nazi Germany has taken what Neil Gregor has called a “voluntarist turn.” By this, Gregor means that the recent literature on Nazi Germany has emphasized “that the panoply of organizations actively involved in occupation and murder, the number of German men and women who actively participated in these crimes, and the range of places in which they committed them, was much, much greater than has hitherto been acknowledged.” In the first instance this voluntarist turn has meant an increased stress on the centrality of Nazi criminality and atrocity to the regime, not as one feature, but as the central characteristic, of the Third Reich. Alongside this, however, has come an increased insistence that these criminal policies were both widely known at the time and broadly popular among Germans. As Saul Friedländer has put it, “the everyday involvement of the population with the regime was far deeper than has long been assumed, due to the widespread knowledge and passive acceptance of the crimes, as well as the crassest profit derived from them.” In short, then, the most recent trend among historians of the Third Reich is to insist that people believed in the Nazi project, including its criminal aspects.

Author(s):  
Michele K. Troy

This book explores the curious relationship between Albatross Press—a British-funded publisher of English-language books with Jewish ties—and the Third Reich of Adolf Hitler. Albatross began printing its books in Germany in May 1932, barely a year before Hitler came to power. It made its name not in the trade of mild classics but in edgy, modern British and American books. From its titles to its packaging, Albatross projected a cosmopolitan ethos at odds with German nationalism. This book tells the story of survival against the odds, of what happened when a resolutely cosmopolitan, multinational publishing house became entwined with the most destructively nationalistic culture of modern times. It asks how Albatross was allowed to print and sell its books within the nationalistic climate of Nazi Germany, became the largest purveyor of English-language paperbacks in 1930s Europe and then vanished with so little trace.


1996 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 585
Author(s):  
Catherine C. Marshall ◽  
Glen W. Gadberry

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-242
Author(s):  
Guido Convents

Although Belgian diplomats analysed the nazi-regime from the very first moment as intrinsically crimina!, inhuman, dictatorial and revenge seeking, they showed the nazis in 1934-1935 that dialogue was possible.  The nazi-diplomacy, with secrecy as a keystone, permitted some of the most important Belgian politicians and businessmen to meet the.nazi-leaders without being disapproved by public opinion or even parliament.  This resulted in a «practical» way to improve political and above all economical relations between Belgium and nazi-Germany. It can be seen as a Belgian answer to the inability of France and Great Britain to force the Third Reich to respect the international security treaties which were to guarantee the sovereignty of Belgium.


1997 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 313
Author(s):  
Susan Russell ◽  
Glen W. Gadberry

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Epstein

In East Germany, official memory was reputedly embodied in Old Communists, those men and women who had joined the German Communist Party (KPD) before Hitler's rise to power in 1933. After 1945, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), East Germany's ruling party, exploited the tragic experiences of Old Communists during the Third Reich—exile, resistance, and concentration–camp incarceration—to foster a triumphant official memory of heroic, Communist-led antifascist struggle. Intended to legitimate the SED regime, this official memory was rehearsed in countless “lieux de mémoire,” including films, novels, school textbooks, museum exhibitions, and commemorative rituals. Concurrently, party authorities encouraged Old Communists to share their past lives with younger East Germans; in particular, they urged Old Communists to write memoirs of their participation in the antifascist struggle against Hitler.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Pegelow

After reading the “Jewish News Bulletin” (Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt) in early 1939, the Romance language scholar Victor Klemperer wrote: “Until 1933 and for at least a good century before that, the German Jews were entirely German and nothing else … They were and remain (even if now they no longer wish to remain so) Germans …” Klemperer, a convert to Protestantism, but a “full Jew” by Nazi decree, continued, “It is part of the Lingua tertii imperii [LTI, language of the Third Reich] that the expression ‘Jewish people’ [Volk] appears repeatedly in the ‘Jewish News'…”


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-648
Author(s):  
Georgios Tsagdis

The essay thematises the question of care in conditions of total power - not merely extra muros, in the everyday life of the Third Reich, but in its most radical articulation, the concentration camp. Drawing inspiration from Todorov?s work, the essay engages with Levinas, Agamben, Derrida and Nancy, to investigate Heidegger?s determination of Dasein?s horizon through a solitary confrontation with death. Drawing extensively on primary testimonies, the essay shows that when the enclosure of the camp became the Da of existence, care assumed a radical significance as the link between the death of another and the death of oneself. In the face of an apparatus of total power and its attempt to individuate and isolate death, the sharing of death in the figure of care remained one?s most inalienable act of resistance and the last means to hold on to death as something that could be truly one?s own.


2021 ◽  
pp. 86-96
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Ponypaliak

he article considers the policy of Nazi Germany in the occupied Crimea during 1941-1944. The study aims to study and analyze the features of the Nazi occupation regime on the territory of the Crimean peninsula. The author analyzes the plans of the Nazi leadership for the future of the Crimean peninsula in the postwar strategy of Berlin to the occupied territories, considers the main approaches in the implementation ofthe Generalplan OST. The basic concepts of the future position of the Crimean peninsula in the geostrategic calculations of the Third Reich are reflected. In particular, the plans of the Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories A. Rosenberg, the calculations of the General Commissioner of “Tavria” A. Fraunfeld, the leader of the Nazi Labor Front R. Leigh, and future plans for the fate of the peninsula leader of the Third Reich – A. Hitler. The repressions against the local population and the attitude of the German administration to certain ethnic and political groups, in particular, to the Crimean Tatars, Russians, Ukrainians, and Crimean Tatars, were studied. The article reflects the activities of Einsatzgruppe D and its sounding teams in the Crimea. The consequences of ethnic cleansing of the Nazis in the Crimea are generalized and the course and features of the Holocaust on the territory of the peninsula are described. The issue of relations between the Crimean Tatars and the German occupation administration is covered separately. The course of hostilities for the Crimean peninsula is analyzed, the main milestones of the German-Soviet armed struggle for the Crimea are described. Revealing the issue in the context of hostilities between the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, the author attempted to explain the difficult position of the peninsula in the administrative structure of the occupiers and the main reasons for its long rule directly by the German military command. The aspect of administrative and territorial subordination of Crimea during the occupation has been studied. In general, the author made an attempt to comprehensively consider the policy of the Nazis in the Crimea in its various aspects and planes.


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