MANCHUKUO AND BEYOND: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF ZHANG MENGSHI

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Ronald Suleski

Zhang Mengshi died in late 2014 at the age of ninety-two, shortly after his autobiography was published. He was born into a life of privilege because his father Zhang Jinghui was a close confidant of the Chinese warlord Zhang Zuolin. Mengshi was a boy in Harbin in the 1930s when Russian influences dominated the city, then when his father became prime minister of the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo in 1935 he lived with his family in Hsinking, the new capital. He studied in Japan in the early 1940s as war in the Pacific intensified. His father upheld the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, while Mengshi secretly worked with the Communist underground to undermine the occupation. When Soviet troops arrived in 1945 to take over from the defeated Japanese, Mengshi was also arrested and sent to Siberia, though he was willing to help the Russian Communists. In 1950 he returned to the new People's Republic of China, to work with the captured Chinese and Japanese from former Manchukuo, including his own father and former emperor Puyi, teaching them about the crimes they had committed. In this article Mengshi's fascinating autobiography is summarized and commented on.

Author(s):  
Anatoliy V. Goncharenko ◽  
Lybov G. Polyakova

The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.


Author(s):  
G. Wang ◽  
D. Wang ◽  
W. Zhou ◽  
M. Chen ◽  
T. Zhao

The research and compilation of new century version of the National Huge Atlas of the People's Republic of China is the special basic work project by Ministry of Science and Technology of the People's Republic of China. Among them, the research and compilation of the National Geomatics Atlas of the People's Republic of China is its main content. The National Geomatics Atlas of China consists of 4 groups of maps and place name index. The 4 groups of maps are separately nationwide thematic map group, provincial fundamental geographical map group, landcover map group and city map group. The city map group is an important component part of the National Geomatics Atlas of China and mainly shows the process of urbanization in China. This paper, aim at design and compilation of 39 city-wide maps, briefly introduces mapping area research and scale design, mapping technical route, content selection and cartographic generalization, symbol design and visualization of map, etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-92
Author(s):  
Jason Lim

Abstract Official narratives in Singapore have included the crackdown by the ruling People’s Action Party (pap) government under Lee Kuan Yew against the Chinese chauvinists on the city-state’s road to nationhood. From 1959 to 1976, the Lee government believed that Chinese chauvinism came from three sources: a population that was majority ethnic Chinese in Singapore, pro-communist organizations that exploited Chinese chauvinism for their own ends, and individuals or organizations that praised the People’s Republic of China at the expense of Singapore. Using newspaper articles, speeches by government ministers, oral history interviews, and declassified government records held in Singapore and overseas, this article assesses the threat of Chinese chauvinism in Singapore between the years 1959 and 1976. It argues that the Lee government made statements about Chinese chauvinists that were grounded either on truism, or on excoriating individuals, for its own political gain.


1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. P. O’Connell

The question of recognition of the Central People’s Republic of China, and the withdrawal of recognition of the Nationalist regime in Formosa, is from time to time a matter of moment in the internal politics of certain of the Pacific nations. Few of the proponents of recognition would advocate handing Formosa to the mainland government; they would prefer the island to be internationalized, neutralized, or made independent under United Nations auspices and guarantee. In the policy discussions on the question, various views of the legal competence of the Allies or of the United Nations to dispose of Formosa have been advanced. It is the purpose of this paper to examine these views in turn and indicate on which view the question of Formosa’s future can be severed from the question of recognition.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 190-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Donaghy

Like any number of American allies, Canada declined to recognize the revolutionary government of the People’s Republic of China, and helped exclude it from the United Nations in the 1950s. By the early 1960s, there were strong pressures for change. This article examines the efforts of Paul Martin, Sr., Canada’s foreign minister from 1963 to 1968, to respond to those pressures and modernize his country’s approach to the emerging Asian giant. After establishing Martin’s diplomatic credentials, the paper traces the evolution of his attitude toward Beijing during the 1950s as he accepted the logic and necessity of recognition. Opposed by Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson and many of his cabinet colleagues, who feared U.S. retaliation, Martin persisted in trying to win over their backing. Progress, when it finally came in 1966, was incremental and much too late, prompting critical attacks on the minister’s reputation and his “hush puppy style.”


Author(s):  
Menghui Shi ◽  
Yiya Chen

Lili Wu Chinese () is a Wu dialect (; ISO 639-3; code: wuu) spoken by approximately 38,000 people who reside in the town of Lili (), one of the ten major towns in the Wujiang district (). The Wujiang district belongs to the prefectural-level municipality of Suzhou city () in Jiangsu province (), the People’s Republic of China. It is located at the juncture area of the city of Shanghai (), the city of Suzhou, and the city of Jiaxing (), as shown in Figure 1.


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