Ivan Kavaleridze`s dramaturgy on the Sumy stage

The characteristic features of I. Kavaleridze’s drama is considered in the article. It is noted that there are signs of the artist’s individuality, attraction to expressionist forms, artistic techniques characteristic for the art of sculpture: symbolism, monumentality, hyperbole. I. Kavaleridze was well versed in the drama laws, understood the specifics of the stage events construction, had a large arsenal of literary means, thanks to which the characters’ monologues and dialogues were extremely expressive and colorful. In his work, he implemented original solutions that were ahead of time. Therefore, many of the artist’s ideas and achievements received due recognition only after his death. I. Kavaleridze’s creative heritage covers a wide range of both purely artistic and general philosophical problems. Among them the formation of the era of modernism and its features in the Ukrainian art of the early XX century, the impact of revolutionary ideas on the work of the 1920s, the role of spiritual leaders of the Ukrainian people T. Shevchenko and G. Skovoroda in the formation of national consciousness, political and ideological pressure on figurative art language and the formation of a socialist-realist canon, etc. The analysis of the productions of I. Kavalerizde’s plays “The First Furrow” and “Gregory and Paraskeva” on the stage of the Mykhailo Shchepkin Sumy Theater of Drama and Musical Comedy in 1970-1972. The article notes that these plays were staged in Sumy for the first time in the history of Ukrainian theater. The premiere of “The First Furrow” (the play was called “Old Men”) took place on March 19, 1970. The figure of the national genius Hryhoriy Skov oroda was als o embodied for the first time on t he stage in Sumy in th e play “Hryhoriy and Paraskeva”. It premiered on October 21, 1972. I. Rybchynsky, Honored Artist of the USSR, performed the production. Creating generalized historical outlines of people’s life, features of life at that time, depicting psychological portraits of people in various, sometimes-dramatic collisions, in the productions of I. Kavaleridze’s plays on the Sumy stage the emphasis was on universal values such as virtue, love. The main character was the Ukrainian people, who nurtured such large-scale historical figures, gave them strength and wisdom for great achievements. Based on publications in periodicals of that time, memoirs of Ukrainian directors, the peculiarities of the director’s interpretation, stenographic and musical design of these plays on the Sumy stage are considered. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of acting works in I. Kavaleridze’s plays. In particular, the peculiarities of the actor’s embodiment of the image of the national genius Hryhoriy Skovoroda on the stage are presented. It is noted that I. Kavaleridze’s plays, created in a difficult political, social and ideological context, are rightly considered to be highly artistic works of Ukrainian drama. Their staging was carried out on various theatrical stages, including Mykhailo Shchepkin Sumy Theater of Drama and Musical Comedy is an important page of national theatrical art.

Territorial claims of Armenia to the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in 1918-1920

On May 28, 1918, the first democratic parliamentary republic in the Muslim East was proclaimed – the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR), which from the first days of its existence relied on the principles of democracy and equality of people , granting all citizens of the country the same rights, and eliminated racial, national, religious, and social inequality. ADR sought to establish good-neighborly relations with all states of the region. However, in order to enforce its territorial claims to Azerbaijan, Armenia further expanded the boundaries of the massacres of the local population in the territories of Karabakh, Zangezur, Nakhchivan, etc. The article provides detailed information about Armenia’s groundless territorial claims to Azerbaijan in 1918-1920.

Building of the XVII century from the Volyntsevo settlement in the middle Sejm riverside

The article is devoted to the results of archaeological excavations of the Volyntsevo hillfort in 1981. The beginning of the study of this archaeological monument began at the beginning of the 20th century by the local landowner A. Shechkov. Part of the archaeological collection was transferred to the Kursk Museum. In 1948, research on the site was carried out under the leadership of V. Dovzhenko. In the northwestern part of the rampart, a rampart was cut. In 1981, O. Sukhobokov continued excavations of the hillfort. Their goal was to clarify the design features of the floor shaft. For this, two excavations were laid – the first in the center, the second in the northeastern part of the rampart. As a result of the research, part of the rock outgrowth was discovered, consisting of untreated cobblestones of local quartzite. It was located near the shaft, but it was not structurally connected with it. The stratigraphy of the rampart in excavation II indicates that the stone pavement is later than the remains of the rampart’s wooden structure. This construction is an independent archaeological site and, most likely, dates back to the period after the middle of the 13th century. Near the pavement, at a depth of 1.2 – 1.5 m, ground burials were found, made according to the Christian burial rite. This object may be the remains of the stone foundation of a significant structure that perished in a large fire. This is evidenced by a significant amount of ash, ash and burnt clay. It is known from documents that at the beginning of the 17th century, there was a noble estate near the hillfort, which belonged to Andrei Trifonov from the city of Putivl. The main type of planning of the noble small-manor estate was the manor’s yard with outbuildings and peasant houses. A wooden church was located nearby on a hill. The documents of the middle of the 17th century contain information that the church of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker was located on the territory of the Volyntsevo village, built before 1639 and burned down in 1663. Thus, it can be assumed that the remains of the stone foundation of a wooden church from the early 17th century. It burned down during the fire and was no longer recovered.

Formation of the foreign policy course of US president J.F. Kennedy on the Peoples Republic of China (january-october 1961)

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President John F. Kennedy on China in January-October 1961. There were characterized the election statements of the US presidential candidate from the Democratic Party J.F. Kennedy on China. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of the President John F. Kennedy in the Chinese direction in January-October 1961 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of intensification of Washington’s foreign policy strategy towards Beijing during the during investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in January-October 1961 is outlined. It is described the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of J.F. Kennedy presidential period. The victory of J.F. Kennedy in the presidential election in 1960 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a “third force”, was a weak player in the international arena and therefore minor, insignificant deviations from traditional policies of “containment and isolation” seemed acceptable. Moreover, the policy of “isolation” did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, established relations with many countries, including the US allies. Gradually, the number of states that supported China’s demands for a seat in the UN grew, which created a real prospect for broad recognition of communist China. At the beginning of the presidency of J.F. Kennedy in January-October 1961, his administration was unable to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of “new frontiers” for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment did not have a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China, and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. This was due to a number of reasons. First of all, when he was elected, the administration of J.F. Kennedy joined the more important events at that time in terms of the US military and political interests than the policy towards China (European problems, issues of Atlantic unity, the Berlin crisis). Secondly, Washington still viewed communist China as a state that threatened American interests in Asia and was eager to expand its influence and strengthen its military power. An important influence on the formation of the foreign policy course of the administration J.F. Kennedy also had at the beginning of his presidency the fact that, having won the election with a minimal advantage, he did not risk starting a major change in Chinese policy and abandoning the policy of “containment”. In such way, the 35th President of the United States tried, at first, to show that he respected public opinion within the country, which was negative about communist China. Secondly, by demonstrating his propensity for the heredity of politics, he hoped to strengthen his vulnerable foreign policy position. That is why J.F. Kennedy, who did not rule out the possibility of changing China’s US policy, saw in his own practical actions toward China at the time no reason to abandon the doctrine of “containment”. Particularly, the idea of “containment” of China was the basis of a number of decisions of the John F. Kennedy administration, which eventually led to the escalation of American military intervention in Indochina.

Coverage of the primary education development in 1941–1943 by local press of the Military Command Zone

The aim of the study is to reveal the coverage of forming and developing of primary education in the zone of military command by the local press. The methodology is based on the use of general scientific and special-historical research methods, including problem and chronological, comparative-historical, typological, etc. Scientific novelty. For the first time in modern Ukrainian historiography, the local press of the military command zone of the Nazi occupation period became the object of study with the focus on primary education. The classification of local press publications on establishing and developing primary education in the military command zone was proposed. Conclusions. Materials of the local press are an important source for researching the restoration and development of primary education in the zone of military command. Functioning the local newspapers was due to the support of the occupying power, the press was seen as one of the elements of propaganda. This affected the content of periodicals and the way of presenting information. Due to a number of reasons, including low circulation and delivery problems, propaganda through local periodicals had certain effect only in some regions. A number of newspaper publications revealed the peculiarities of everyday life in the occupied territories, including the re-establishment and development of primary education. Such materials can be divided into several groups: coverage of organizing and features of the educational process; statistic al data, didactic materials; characteristic s of pedagogical staff and their professional development. They were the least exposed to propaganda, their authors were mostly members of local authorities. Publications on primary education concerned the administrative units where newspapers were published, and they did not contain general materials. Some of the publications dealt with specific tasks related to restoring and developing educational institutions, the educational process and the results of their implementation. There is a significant segment of material of the critical nature, mainly in relation to teachers: their appearance, behavior, teaching methods. Such notes were mostly impersonal, while praising information was always personal. Articles on the educational process were more influenced by propaganda and were placed on the front pages.

Search and development by Soviet forces of Ukrainian nationalists on the territory of the Romanian People’s Republic (1955–1957)

The article is an attempt to disclose an unknown aspect, namely, the work of the Soviet special services on revealing, investigating, and detention of former participants of the OUN and UPA in the territory of Romanian national republic. In the article, it is established that despite the struggle against the liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s, the Soviet authorities failed to eradicate and suppress anti-Soviet sentiments completely. The confrontation between Ukrainian nationalists and the Soviet administration continued not only in the USSR, but also abroad and even after the official report on the liquidation of organized nationalist structures. At the same time, in connection with the liberalization of the socio-political regime (de-Stalinization, “vidlyha” (“thaw”), rehabilitation of prisoners) intensified the activities of hostile to power –mostly former members of the OUN and URA (both those who remained underground and released from imprisonment), as well as representatives of religious associations. That is why the tasks of the law enforcement agencies included not only the suppression of opposition resistance in the USSR, but also the search for and elimination of all former underground fighters, especially leaders who were in other countries, including Romania. The repressive and punitive bodies carried out work on the search for nationalists in the Romanian People’s Republic in several directions: 1) development of family, former organizational ties of OUN leaders who crossed the border at different times and joined various OUN foreign organizations and centers; 2) intensification of the search for OUN leaders abroad, detection and interception of probably existing channels of their connections with the remnants of the OUN in Bukovyna and its use for operational purposes; 3) intensification of the search for underground fighters and the development of well-known OUN members who were on the operational register; 4) organization of intelligence and operational work among those who were legalized and appeared guilty, former underground fighters, members of the OUN, as well as the development of those who did not surrender their weapons and legalized on the instructions of the underground, as well as returnees from prison and did not renounce their previous views; 5) intensification of the development of Ukrainian nationalists who were on the operational register or in the legal units of the OUN; 6) recruiting new and increasing the efficiency of the existing agency (which worked with special tasks to intercept existing communication channels developed by the security forces of the OUN and foreign OUN centers). As potentially dangerous the Soviet system considered even those nationalists who had emigrated abroad, therefore, after the liquidation of the Ukrainian organized resistance movement, they were perpetually search for. Hence, after the revealing of such persons, who most often were former heads and members of the nationalist underground of Chernivtsi region, a detailed plan of their investigation was made. A leading role in this process was played by the secret service agents who carried out the most difficult operative combinations of the Soviet law enforcement bodies. The well arranged – since the 1940s cooperation between the USSR law enforcement bodies and the Romanian national republic assisted in the effective search, investigation, and arrests of the Ukrainian nationalists.

Historical Heroes of modern Ukrainian Students

Ukrainian youth from the beginning of the country’s independence was a catalyst for democratic changes. From the Revolution on Granite, through the Sumy’s Revolution on Grass and Orange Revolution to the Revolution of Dignity and the war in the East, undeniably it was the youth who fought for the future of Ukraine. While appreciating the contribution of young people to the contemporary history of Ukraine, it is essential to ask which national heroes and what historical events are important to the young generation. Thanks to the research conducted in 2017-2018 on a representative group of Ukrainian youth (1043 respondents), the author can answer that question. The results show that there are no surprises; the research confirms the all-Ukrainian results and shares knowledge on this subject. However, it is worth emphasizing some surprises, as well as the frequent selection of the answer “neutral attitude” to historical events, which may indicate the lack of historical knowledge among the surveyed youth.

Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)

The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.

“The way to Dayton”: the military conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina peaceful settlement process in 1992-1995

The paper examines the preconditions for the conclusion, significance and consequences of the implementation of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Agreement between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Four plans for peace achievement are considered, in which the International Community had consistently sought to resolve the Bosnian conflict in 1992-1995. The process of concluding a unique international document that not only put an end to the bloody interethnic confrontation and established new foundations for relations between the three Balkan countries, but defined the principles of the constitutional order of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined. The authors analyze the ambiguous scientific and political assessments of the Dayton Agreement, ranging from unequivocal approval to sharp criticism, and the reasons for the success of the Dayton Process, including joining the U.S. negotiation process and ensuring compliance with NATO’s commitment to violators. The risks inherent in the Dayton Agreement in the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also identified. The problem of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Agreement is vital for the post-Yugoslav space. Despite the declared principle of equality of citizens, in fact, political human rights in the country directly depend on ethnicity, and public authorities are based on the principle of national representation. The sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina raise a number of issues, given their control by International bodies. An analysis of historical experience convincingly shows that the Dayton Accords can only be seen as a temporary mechanism for resolving the crisis and easing tensions, which has made it possible to achieve peace, end ethnic discord and lay the foundations for a democratic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Recognizing the effectiveness of the Dayton Agreement, the authors argue that some of its provisions do not comply with generally accepted principles of International Law, in particular, in terms of the territorial organization of the state and the formation of public authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This approach does not comply with the principle of equality of human rights, regardless of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other beliefs, national or social origin, property status, birth or other circumstances. It is also undeniable that the Dayton Accords did not resolve the interethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also seeks to identify ways to address the Bosnian crisis in the current situation in Ukraine, given the annexation of Crimea and the protracted military conflict in Donbas, and to determine the admissibility and potential limits of external intervention in military conflicts.

Victor Yanukovych’s entourage seizing legislative, executive and judicial power in Ukraine (2010 – early 2011)

The article describes the President Yanukovych and his entourage’s actions taken to establish control over the key branches of power in Ukraine. The role of the Donetsk clan’s particular representatives, mainly AndriiKliuev and SerhiiLyovochkin, in implementing the authority concentration schemes, is explored. The context of building up the floor-crossers coalition (officially named “Stability and Reforms”) in 2010 is highlighted. The reasons for Donetsk clan choosing the non-constitutional way of seizing control over the Parliament are explained, such as: rate of action, low price of deputies’ engagement, keeping up the ideological confrontation façade with Julia Tymoshenko’s Bloc and «Our Ukraine – People’s Self-Defence» parliamentary alliance. MykolaAzarov’s cabinet (named March 11, 2010) is analyzed, with specific influential groups identified within its composition, such as MykolaAzarov’s, AndriiKliuev’s, RinatAkhmetov’sDmytroFirtash’s and Victor Yanykovych’s clientele. The quotas of Litvin’s Block, Ukraine’s Communist Party and Russian lobbies have been distinguished. The responsible assignments in security ministries data has been generalized. The fact that Victor Yanukovych’s entourage had established full actual control over top officials of the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine in the eve of the Presidential Elections 2010 decisive second ballot is emphasized. The Prosecutor General’s Office, Security Service, Foreign Intelligence, Border Police and National Security and Defense Council’s governing authorities personnel has been analyzed. Specific attention has been paid to AndriiPortnov’s role in implementing the judicial reform aimed at depriving the Ukrainian judiciary of any independence, with the Presidential Office, namely AndriiPortnov, gaining the decisive impact over its activities and preserving but formal procedures and formulas from the relatively autonomous judiciary built under Victor Yushchenko. The facts of placing pressure upon the judges voicing dissent over the reform have been revealed.