Sylvain Maréchal, précurseur du calendrier révolutionnaire

International Review for Social History ◽

10.1017/s1873084100000343 ◽

1938 ◽

Vol 3 ◽

pp. 301-334 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Maurice Dommanget

Keyword(s):

First Year ◽

The Press ◽

National Convention

The French republican calendar, dictated by the National Convention, has had its forerunners. The most important among them was Sylvain Maréchal, a highly original and remarkable figure.In 1788 Sylvain Maréchal issued the Almanach des Honnêtes Gens, dated “Fan premier de la Raison” (the first year of Reason), in which the names of the days of the week, the Christian festivals and the table of Saints were omitted. It was this almanac, modified in accordance with the circumstances, that served as the prototype for the republican calendar. Maréchal was put into prison, and afterwards exiled from Paris. His calendar was impounded and burnt by order of the Parliament. Later on Maréchal issued other almanacs and fought in the press for the reform of the calendar. All this is dealt with in the present study, and the name of Marechal will forthwith be linked to those of Romme and Fabre d'Eglantine, the two members of the Convention to whom the republican calendar is due.

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Accession, Renegotiation, Referendum, 1973–1975

Reluctant European ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198840671.003.0006 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 109-137

Author(s):

Stephen Wall

Keyword(s):

Labour Party ◽

General Election ◽

First Year ◽

Special Relationship ◽

Party Leaders ◽

The Press ◽

Oil Crisis ◽

The Uk ◽

Year Of Europe

The first year of Britain’s EEC membership did not run smoothly. The Americans unilaterally declared it ‘the Year of Europe’. Heath was accused by Kissinger of destroying the special relationship. The Arab–Israeli war caused an oil crisis in which the UK, relatively unscathed, did not help her partners. Early in 1974, Heath lost a General Election and was replaced by Wilson. Wilson and Foreign Secretary Callaghan faced a divided Cabinet and Labour Party as they set about renegotiating the terms of Britain’s EEC membership. The improvements they secured, after a second General Election in October 1974, were slight but enough to get the deal through the Cabinet. Labour Ministers campaigned in the referendum on opposite sides, but support for remaining from all the main Party leaders and the Press helped secure a significant majority for staying.

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The Not So New Anti-Catholicism

Worldview ◽

10.1017/s0084255900035725 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 21 (11) ◽

pp. 43-48

Author(s):

James Hitchcock

Keyword(s):

Roman Catholic ◽

Jimmy Carter ◽

The Press ◽

National Convention

In the midst of the Democratic national convention in July, 1976, Roman Catholic Archbishop Joseph L.Bernardin of Cincinnati spoke out publicly against the party's recently adopted platform plank favoring legal abortions. The plank, he said, was offensive to many Catholics.Stuart Eizenstat, a key aide to Governor Jimmy Carter, who was about to become the party's presidential nominee, told the press that the archbishop's statement “was not from the hierarchy.” “My understanding is that many in the hierarchy were extremely upset and in effect told him to cool it. No one has come to his support. I think that fellow went out on a limb.“Archbishop Bernardin was in fact the elected president of the American bishops and was speaking in their name. After numerous telegrams from bishops protesting Eizenstat's remark, he apologized, explaining that he had not known who Archbishop Bernardin was.

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Representations of dementias in the press (2001-2010)

Sociologia Problemas e Práticas ◽

10.7458/spp2013732805 ◽

1970 ◽

Author(s):

Eduardo Cintra Torres

Keyword(s):

Public Space ◽

Media Coverage ◽

World Health Organisation ◽

World Health ◽

First Year ◽

Negative Stereotypes ◽

The Public ◽

Daily Newspapers ◽

Printed Media ◽

The Press

In the first year of the 21st century, the World Health Organisation added itsweight toWorld Mental Health Day, with a view to stimulating interest in mentaldisorders, particularly through media coverage. This paper presents the resultsof a quantitative study on representations of types of dementia in threePortuguese daily newspapers between 2001 and 2010. The author did not wantto limit the study to the articles in the health sections and therefore looked at thewhole of the newspapers. This revealed a regular coverage of the topic in every section of the papers, especially with regard to Alzheimer’s disease, and with alarge variety of sources, protagonists and specific subjects. It also demonstratedthe existence of an inclusive attitude that is concomitant with an objective handlingof the topic. As a whole, Portuguese printed media news about dementias isfree of negative stereotypes and tends to give readers enough information andto include dementia among the themes that are both consensual in and importantto the public space.

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Chapter III Last Stage of Education, and First of Self-Education

Autobiography ◽

10.1093/owc/9780198759607.003.0004 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

John Stuart Mill

Keyword(s):

Political Economy ◽

First Year ◽

The Press ◽

Last Stage

For the first year or two after my visit to France, I continued my old studies, with the addition of some new ones. When I returned, my father was just finishing for the press his “Elements of Political Economy,” and he made me perform an...

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‘War is a Scourge’: The First Year of the Great War 1914–1915: Catholics and Pastoral Guidance

Recusant History ◽

10.1017/s0034193200013042 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 30 (3) ◽

pp. 485-500

Author(s):

John Davies

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Working Class ◽

South African ◽

Young Men ◽

First Year ◽

Front Line ◽

Popular Imagination ◽

The Press ◽

Short Space ◽

The Great War

When Britain declared war on Germany in August 1914 few could have foreseen that it would last four years or predicted the slaughter it would bring. The parishioners of the Catholic parish of St. Peter Seel St., in the docklands of south Liverpool, along with Catholics throughout the country, on the first Sunday of the war were exhorted to pray for peace. The assumption seemed to be that the war would be a short one. The lessons of Britain's last major conflict, the South African Wars at the turn of the nineteenth-century, seemed not to have impinged on popular imagination. it would, however, be only a relatively short space of time before the news of local young men ‘killed in action’ began to appear in the notice books of St. Peter's and other Catholic parishes, bringing a growing realisation that this war was ‘different’. Perhaps it would not end quickly and certainly as the horror of events in Belgium and France began to appear in the press, national, local and ‘confessional’, the conviction grew that indeed this was no ‘ordinary’ war. How did the leaders of the Catholic community respond? What guidance and comfort were offered to the community, which was largely working class, whose sons found themselves in the front line?

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The Antigallican Affair: Public and Ministerial Responses to Anglo-Spanish Maritime Conflict in the Seven Years War, 1756–1758*

The English Historical Review ◽

10.1093/ehr/ceaa260 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Anna Brinkman-Schwartz

Keyword(s):

Public Opinion ◽

Policy Making ◽

The Political ◽

First Year ◽

Press Coverage ◽

The Press ◽

Close Study ◽

Maritime Strategy ◽

Insight Into

Abstract In the first year of the Seven Years War, on 26 December 1756, the British privateer Antigallican captured the French East Indiaman Le Duc de Penthièvre some way off of the Spanish town of Ferrol. In short order the Duc de Penthièvre was given back to the French by Spanish authorities. The actions of the Spanish were a violation of Spain’s stated neutrality in the conflict and led to a protracted diplomatic incident that tested the commitment of Britain’s government to the preservation of Spain’s maritime neutrality, which was key to Britain’s overall wartime maritime strategy. Focusing on the Antigallican affair, this article presents a case-study which affords insight into how ministers dealt with public opinion that was in opposition to strategic needs at a specific political point in time, and over a specific issue. It also suggests that using measures based on the volume and intensity of press coverage as a proxy for public influence on policy making is an uncertain approach. By looking more deeply into the political, personal, and historical contexts of making policy, a micro-history offers a more certain method for understanding the complexity of policy-making and the power of the press at any given time. The point of such a close study is not to generalise about the power of the press to influence policy in the mid-eighteenth century, rather, it is to show that such generalisations are fraught with unanticipated errors and assumptions that gloss over the complexity of interactions between politics and public opinion.

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