A study in British Trade Union history. Attempts at ‘General Union’ 1829—1834

The best-known episode in the early history of Britsh Trade Unionism is the dramatic rise and fall of the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union in 1833—1834. Robert Owen's sudden emergence as the leader of a mass movement reported to number a million adherents, the trial and transportation of the unfortunate ‘Tolpuddle Martyrs’ for the crime of administering unlawful oaths, the presentation of the ‘document’ demanding renunciation of Trade Union membership by masters in many parts of the country, and the complete eclipse of the Grand National within a year of its first foundation, make a story which has been told many times with effect, and does not need telling over again. But though this particular story is well-known, there is a good deal that remains obscure in Trade Union history both during this critical year and, still more, during the few previous years when the idea of an all-embracing ‘General Union of Trades’ was taking hold of one section after another of the British working classes.

Letters of karl Marx to Karl Blind

Marx met the then 22 years old Blind) for the first time in May 1848, when he and Engels made their appearance in the revolutionary state of Baden (Germany), after the Neue Rheinische Zeitung had been suspended. At that time they declared to the members of the republican committee at Karlsruhe (Landesa usschuss), that they considered the revolt in the South-West of Germany irretrievably doomed to failure, if no decisive moves in Hungary or another revolution in Paris should come to its rescue. The only members of the committee who supported this opinion were, as stated by Engels), Karl Blind and Amand Gögg. Soon afterwards Marx and Blind met again in Paris. On September 5 Marx gave Blind's address to Freiligrath as his own. Blind had been sent to France by the revolutionary governments of Baden and the Palatinate as one of the members of the legation, which these two shortlived republics intended to establish there. But Louis Napoleon's government ignored this legation, and consequently did not respect Blind's diplomatic immunity, when the latter, soon after his arrival, proved to be involved in the abortive coup of Ledru-Rollin of June 13. Blind was placed under arrest and expelled from France on the same day, on the ground that his presence was “such as to disturb public order and calm”.

Sylvain Maréchal, précurseur du calendrier révolutionnaire

The French republican calendar, dictated by the National Convention, has had its forerunners. The most important among them was Sylvain Maréchal, a highly original and remarkable figure.In 1788 Sylvain Maréchal issued the Almanach des Honnêtes Gens, dated “Fan premier de la Raison” (the first year of Reason), in which the names of the days of the week, the Christian festivals and the table of Saints were omitted. It was this almanac, modified in accordance with the circumstances, that served as the prototype for the republican calendar. Maréchal was put into prison, and afterwards exiled from Paris. His calendar was impounded and burnt by order of the Parliament. Later on Maréchal issued other almanacs and fought in the press for the reform of the calendar. All this is dealt with in the present study, and the name of Marechal will forthwith be linked to those of Romme and Fabre d'Eglantine, the two members of the Convention to whom the republican calendar is due.

La lutte du Gouvernement français contre la Première Internationale

The author of this article points out that up to the present there exists no critical study of the relation between the First International and the Commune. This he deems very regrettable, as ever since the year 1871 a connection has been established between the two movements.So did also the French Government, for when it had destroyed the Commune, it brought an action against the First International. To this end, Jules Favre ordered the French ambassadors to undertake the necessary steps with the governments to which they were accredited. The dispatches published in this article, which were the replies to Favre's circulars—also reproduced here—, reveal that these steps carried no direct results. For a greater knowledge, however, of facts and of the notions prevalent with the governments of various European countries, they are of considerable historical interest. Thiers, moreover, introduced a bill into the Assemblée Nationale to the effect of making punishable whoever was connected with the International. The Assemblée appointed a commission to examine this bill; the records of this commission are also to be found in the above article. An explanatory text, finally, links up the various documents published.

Zum Verständnis der politischen Aktion Lassalles

The present study is based on the vast number of letters written by and addressed to Lassalle, which have only been discovered during the last twenty years, and which have hitherto hardly been regarded seriously by historians. This study does not deal with the theories of the famous propagandist, but only with his political activity. It investigates his real motives for drafting the programme of the Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein; for what he was agitating; and why he failed to attain his object. A short analysis of the internal situation of Prussia adds to a better understanding of the real possibilities, of Lassalle's schemes.Special attention has been paid to the arguments which Lassalle used to convince Bismarck of the necessity of granting a general suffrage—the principal item of his programme—, and the analysis of his attitude towards the monarchial system of Poland and the caesarism of Napoleon III. His friend Rodbertus wanted to persuade him that caesarism was the "signatura temporis" for future Europe, and that consequently the dictatorial system had far better chances to succeed in solving the problem of the proletariat than democracy. But Lassalle was too much of a politician to let himself be persuaded that in the long run it would be possible to divorce the social elements from politics.Finally the author compares the way in which Lassalle tried to influence the political outlook of his age with that of his rivals Marx and Engels.

Gall-Dokumente

About Ludwig Gall (1791–1863), the first propagandist in Germany between 1825 and 1835 of the ideas of Owen, Saint-Simon and Fourier, no documents from public archives have until now been published. Nor were there any documents known before written by himself. This greatly adds to the value of the present publication.The preface and the documents published throw some light on Gall's work as substitute secretary of the Gewerbeverein at Coblenz, on his travels in the countries of the Danube monarchy, and his relations with the Hungarian government. In the above article the author tells us something about this little-known period of Gall's life, sketching for example the part Gall played in the flight of Franz Pulszky's wife and his meeting with the authoress Malwida von Meysenbug.

The International Association (1855–1859)

The International Association, which existed in London from 1855 to1859 and which was founded by French, Polish and German refugees and English chartists, is to be regarded as the first international organization of a proletarian and socialist character, and forms the last and most important link in the series of international manifestations during the three decades prior to the foundation of the First International, which will be briefly sketched here).When in Europe about 1830 the working-class movement came into existence, When in Europe about 1830 the working-class movement came into existence, there arose simultaneously, as an immediate result of the awakening class-consciousness, the idea of international proletarian solidarity, which has continued to be a basic element of the proletarian ideology and to find expression in manifestations of international solidarity, as well as in the formation of various organizations of an international tenor.

Le mouvement ouvrier en France pendant les années 1852—1864 d'après les rapports politiques des procureurs généraux. Documents inédits

From the reports of the Solicitor-Generals on the “moral and political conditions”, extracts are being published, which throw a light on the reawakening of the labour movement during the first years of Napoleon the Third's reign.After a short period of great confusion a sense of solidarity grows up among the working classes in almost every part of the country, but particularly in the growing industrial centres, resulting from the contrast between labour and capital, which feeling often manifests itself in the formation of some or other organization. The working classes rise in opposition against the employers and the State-institutions, in so far as they act as employers, without however constituting a political opposition against the régime itself. Napoleon's general policy, and above all his foreign policy, is often even approved of by the lower classes. The manifestations of this awakening solidarity among the working classes are various: able management of the imperial charitable institutions, coalitions, hunger demonstrations, strikes etc. In times of economic prosperity such practices are little observed, but they become more general in times of economic depression.