African Union replaces Organization of African Unity

2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Hestermeyer

During their inaugural meeting in Durban, South Africa, on 9 July 2002 the African heads of state replaced the 39-year-old Organization of African Unity (OAU) with the latest international organization: the African Union (AU). With the exception of Morocco that was not a member of the OAU and Madagascar, whose president is not recognized by the OAU/AU all African heads of state attended the ceremony. The AU will be headquartered in Addis Ababa in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

2003 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nsongurua J. Udombana

Pending the establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights remains the only institutional body for the implementation of the rights guaranteed in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), reconstituted as the African Union (AU), established the Commission in 1987, after the entry into force of the African Charter, in 1986, and pursuant to its Article 64 (1). The Commission was established, inter alia, “to promote human and peoples' rights and ensure their protection in Africa.” That is, besides “any other tasks which may be entrusted to it” by the Assembly, the Commission performs three primary functions: it promotes and protects human and peoples' rights and interprets the provisions of the Charter.


1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 1013-1024

The third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) took place in Cairo, July 13–17, 1964. The Council examined 21 applications from “freedom fighter” organizations for representation in that body. The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) was represented at the meeting of the Council of Ministers, but when it was announced that Moise Tshombe, the new Congolese Prime Minister, would attend the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, objections were raised by a number of Heads of State and Ministers. As a result Mr. Tshombe announced that the Congolese government would not take part in the Assembly.


1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-210 ◽  

The Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), consisting of the foreign ministers of the member countries, met in Dakar, Senegal, on August 2–11, 1963, under the chairmanship of Mr. Doudou Thiam (Senegal) in pursuance of the decisions taken at the Addis Ababa Conference of African heads of state and government.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Simbi Mubako

In the past fifteen years African heads of state and the Organization of African Unity have striven with little success to unite liberation movements fighting the settlers and colonialists in their countries in Southern Africa. The first attempt was made by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and other leaders, and was directed at uniting the Pan-Africanist Congress and its rival African National Congress of South Africa soon after both were banned and forced into exile following the Sharpeville demonstrations. When leaders of both parties fanned out into the world to solicit support, some of the would-be supporters forced them into a makeshift marriage of convenience.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 989-991 ◽  

The Addis Ababa Conference of Independent African States was held on May 22–25, 1963, and was attended by the heads of state of 30 African countries. The Conference adopted six resolutions and a Charter to establish an organization to be known as the Organization of African Unity (OAU).


Author(s):  
Markus Kornprobst

This chapter examines contending African interpretations of peace and change; how some of these interpretations have come to constitute continental institutions; and how these institutions, in turn, have succeeded or failed to make a difference. Its argument is threefold. First, African interpretations of peace and change converge around a nexus of five elements: liberty, unity, development, pacific settlement of disputes and democracy. Second, this nexus left a major mark on continental institutions, first the Organization of African Unity and then the African Union. Third, although Africa’s record of peaceful change is very promising when one is to apply markers for peaceful change traditionally used in international relations, the continent has experienced very pronounced and persistent obstacles to implementing the five elements of the much more demanding nexus.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayala Levin

In the 1960s, Addis Ababa experienced a construction boom, spurred by its new international stature as the seat of both the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the Organization of African Unity. Working closely with Emperor Haile Selassie, expatriate architects played a major role in shaping the Ethiopian capital as a symbol of an African modernity in continuity with tradition. Haile Selassie's Imperial Modernity: Expatriate Architects and the Shaping of Addis Ababa examines how a distinct Ethiopian modernity was negotiated through various borrowings from the past, including Italian colonial planning, both at the scale of the individual building and at the scale of the city. Focusing on public buildings designed by Italian Eritrean Arturo Mezzedimi, French Henri Chomette, and the partnership of Israeli Zalman Enav and Ethiopian Michael Tedros, Ayala Levin critically explores how international architects confronted the challenges of mediating Haile Selassie's vision of an imperial modernity.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 18-25
Author(s):  
Marjorie Hope ◽  
James Young

At a White House dinner in his honor last April the President of Zambia tossed traditional protocol to the winds and discomfited his hosts with a toast calling on the United States to cease giving “psychological comfort to the forces of evil.”Speaking in sorrow rather than anger, Kenneth Kaunda expressed “dismay at the fact that America has not fulfilled our expectations” and cautioned that black freedom fighters and the white minority governments of Rhodesia and South Africa are “poised for a dangerous armed conflict.'’ Could America stand and be counted in implementing the Dar-es-Salaam Declaration strategy adopted by the Organization of African Unity? he asked. In that resolution Africa had affirmed its commitment to a peaceful solution.


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