Land Tenure: What Kind of Transformation under Cash-Cropping and Colonial Rule?

2012 ◽  
pp. 253-277
Author(s):  
Gareth Austin
1975 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 286
Author(s):  
David L. Niddrie ◽  
M. D. D. Newitt

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Lee

Many authors have argued that colonial institutions influenced contemporary economic outcomes by influencing levels of economic inequality and political conflict. Such accounts neglect an additional important mechanism, differences in state capacity. These two mechanisms of colonial persistence are examined in the context of India, where colonial land tenure arrangements are widely thought to influence contemporary outcomes through class conflict. However, land tenure institutions were also associated with differences in state capacity: In landlord-dominated areas, the colonial state had little or no presence at the village level. An analysis of agricultural outcomes in Indian districts, using a set of original measures of colonial state capacity, shows that while land tenure in isolation is a surprisingly weak predictor of agricultural success, state capacity has a strong and consistent positive association with 20th-century economic activity. The findings reinforce the importance of colonial rule in influencing contemporary state capacity and the importance of state capacity for development.


Author(s):  
Shane Doyle

This chapter firstly examines how cash cropping heightened gender and generational tensions within colonial Buganda. As female labour increased in value, so did bridewealth demands. As in much of Africa, high divorce rates and delayed marriage were the most obvious results. But the unusual openness of mid-colonial Ganda society facilitated the development of a distinctive sexual culture. Opportunities for women to set themselves up as independent householders arose from Buganda's freehold land tenure, its largely unregulated urban centres, and legal protections for widows. During the middle decades of the twentieth century, meanwhile, new forms of socializing provided Ganda of all ages with opportunities to acquire new sexual partners, increasingly across generations, fostered a growing tolerance of non-marital sex, and facilitated ever wider urban-rural sexual networks. The sexuality of the young changed fastest, due to schooling, parental employment, a new culture of adolescence, and resentment at excessive bridewealth demands.


Aethiopica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 58-82
Author(s):  
Irma Taddia

The complex issue of the land tenure system in 19th and 20th century Ethiopia–Eritrea has a tridimensional aspect that constitutes the basis of my reflection here: the native conception of land, the imperial Ethiopian policy and the colonial intervention. A correct evaluation of this interrelation can be properly understood by focusing on a corpus of integrated sources related to local written documentation, oral records and colonial reports. The control of the northern border by Emperors Yoḥannǝs and Mǝnilǝk created various historical problems and a debate focusing on independence and the maintenance of a political autonomy of the Märäb Mǝllaš. Land tenure system is the key factor for understanding the dynamic of power relations in the area at the eve of colonial rule.


Author(s):  
Nurul Hossein Choudhury

The British colonial rule in Bengal had a very ominous impact on the people of the region as a whole. The introduction of a new land tenure system, known as the Permanent Settlement, and the creation of an all-powerful zamindar class particularly affected the interests of the peasants of Bengal. Under the new system, the government demand on the zamindars was fixed in perpetuity, but there was no legal restriction on the zamindars to enhance their share from the peasants. The peasants, consequently, became vulnerable to irregular rent increases and oppressions by the zamindars. The Faraizi movement, organized initially in the nineteenth century to reform the Muslim society, soon assumed the character of agrarian movement. In order to protect the poor peasants, the Faraizis soon became radical and challenged the zamindars. As majority of the peasants of the region, where this movement was launched, were Muslims and their zamindars mostly Hindus, the Faraizis used Islamic symbols to mobilize the Muslim masses. Thus, religion and economy intertwined in shaping such a protest movement in pre-industrial Bengal.  


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