scholarly journals Faraizi Movement and Zamindars of Nineteenth Century Bengal: The Story of a Peasant Movement

Author(s):  
Nurul Hossein Choudhury

The British colonial rule in Bengal had a very ominous impact on the people of the region as a whole. The introduction of a new land tenure system, known as the Permanent Settlement, and the creation of an all-powerful zamindar class particularly affected the interests of the peasants of Bengal. Under the new system, the government demand on the zamindars was fixed in perpetuity, but there was no legal restriction on the zamindars to enhance their share from the peasants. The peasants, consequently, became vulnerable to irregular rent increases and oppressions by the zamindars. The Faraizi movement, organized initially in the nineteenth century to reform the Muslim society, soon assumed the character of agrarian movement. In order to protect the poor peasants, the Faraizis soon became radical and challenged the zamindars. As majority of the peasants of the region, where this movement was launched, were Muslims and their zamindars mostly Hindus, the Faraizis used Islamic symbols to mobilize the Muslim masses. Thus, religion and economy intertwined in shaping such a protest movement in pre-industrial Bengal.  

1994 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erick D. Langer

The land tenure arrangements of missions in Latin America have received insufficient attention. Given the vast extent of land the missions controlled on the Latin American frontier and the effect that land tenure arrangements had on the functioning of the missions, this is a serious oversight. Rather than focus on land tenure, most studies of the missions have examined primarily issues such as evangelization, the labor regime, and demographic patterns. While these topics are also important, indeed vital, to an understanding of missions, an analysis of land tenure arrangements is a useful way for understanding the economic and even the political dimensions of mission systems. For example, the control that the missionaries imposed on their charges should have been reflected in a majority of the land controlled directly by the missionaries rather than holdings controlled by individual Indian families. In this sense, the land tenure system reflected the missionary regime in important ways and helps test hypotheses about economic resources as well as power within this controversial institution. In addition, the changes in ownership and use of land became a key ingredient in determining the survival of indigenous groups once the government secularized the missions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-181
Author(s):  
Samuel Adu-Gyamfi ◽  
Emmanuel Bempong ◽  
Henry Tettey Yartey ◽  
Benjamin Dompreh Darkwa

AbstractColonization successfully advanced various reforms in Africa that affected several practices on the continent. The various customs that have been affected include the land tenure system of British colonies in particular. An abundance of laws and policies were adopted with the sole aim of conserving the environment. These policies often clashed with indigenous interests and witnessed counter attacks as a result. Despite this, there is little information in the literature concerning how British land policies shaped their relations with the indigenous people, particularly the Asante. Based on a qualitative research approach, the current study uses Asante as a focal point of discourse in order to historically trace British land policies and how they, the British engaged with the people of Asante. From the discourse, it should be established that the colonial administration passed ordinances to mobilize revenue and not necessarily for the protection of the environment. In addition, the findings indicated that the boom in cash crops, such as cocoa and rubber, prompted Britain to reform the land tenure system. With the land policies, individuals and private organizations could acquire lands from local authorities for the cultivation of cash crops. We conclude that the quest to control land distribution caused the British to further annex Asante.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-310
Author(s):  
Brightman Gebremichael

In this article, I reflect on the implication of the urban land tenure systems of the three political regimes of Ethiopia on the objective element of land tenure security of urban landholders, particularly, permit holders. The objective element of land tenure security can be assessed in terms of clarity and breadth, duration, assurance, and enforceability of land rights. On these foundations, I argue that the objective element of tenure security of urban landholders in Ethiopia has been reduced with each subsequent regime. The Imperial regime’s urban land tenure system affected the objective land tenure security of urban landholders in terms of enforceability of land rights—particularly limiting the right to appeal to a presumably independent court of law with regard to the amount of compensation awarded for the loss of land rights through expropriation. The Derg regime’s urban land tenure system, on the other hand, had narrowed the breadth of land rights to possessory right; it introduced other grounds in addition to expropriation, by which a landholder could lose his land rights, it adopted a vague and broad understanding of “public purpose” for expropriation, and it introduced a compensation scheme that left a landholder compensated inadequately; and it totally prohibited bringing a legal action in presumably an independent court of law against the government. Even more, the post-1991 urban land tenure system has perpetuated the objective land tenure insecurity of permit holders by making the land rights unclear until the enactment of regulation; and to be valid for a definite period of time by mandatorily demanding its conversion to lease system.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeo Kim Wah

Between 1874 and 1888, British colonial rule was imposed on the Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang later collectively called the Federated Malay States (FMS). Based on the various Anglo-Malay treaties, which maintained the fiction that the British Resident was an adviser to the Malay ruler, the British established a form of administration generally known as a system of indirect rule. In this new order, the Malay rulers retained their constitutional and ceremonial role, while the exercise of executive power was held firmly in British hands. In the rush for establishing a modern administration and accelerating economic development late in the nineteenth century, hardly any attention was paid to training Malays to share executive power with British officials at the higher level of government or to compete effectively with Indians, Eurasians, and Chinese for subordinate appointments. This sin of omission began to stir the British conscience at the turn of the century and, for the next four decades, the British pursued a policy of actively promoting Malay employment in the government. This paper discusses the central component of this policy, namely, the training, recruitment, and development of Malay administrators in the FMS.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 724-728
Author(s):  
Phyllis Haizeutuale Panme ◽  
Lalzo S. Thangjom

Ginger is an important cash crop which has gained a popular status among other major commercial crops for its profitability. Ginger cultivation provides additional income to households especially for the rural farmers in North Eastern India. The present study is an attempt to explore the prospects and challenges in ginger cultivation with special reference to Dima Hasao district of Assam. The major challenges that affects ginger production and marketing in the area under study is price fluctuation and inconsistent of ginger. Other factors like low innovation specific for ginger cultivation, lack of storage facilities, land tenure system affect the production as well as marketing of ginger. On the other hand the prospect of ginger cultivation is attributed to its profitability with very low investments. Since the cultivation of ginger in the area under study employs traditional method it requires no fertilizers and crop is easily maintained. The climatic condition in Dima Hasao district is ideal for growing ginger so, with the right approach and policy implementation, ginger has the potential to promote livelihood of the poor rural farmers on the district. Ginger cultivation can also be cultivated to provide supplementary additional income along with other crops. Promotion of livelihood in Dima Hasao district in order to secure the livelihood of the people within the traditional framework is a primary concern of the study.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 602
Author(s):  
Christopher Williams-Wynn

What potential will the fit-for-purpose land administration concept have of working in the Republic of South Africa? This question is asked against the existence of a high-quality cadastre covering most of the South African landmass. However, a large proportion of the people living in South Africa live outside of this secure land tenure system. Many citizens and immigrants reside on communal land, in informal settlements, in resettled communities, in off-register housing schemes, and as farm dwellers, labour tenants and other occupants of commercial farms. Reasonable estimates suggest that there are more than 5 million land occupations that exist outside the formal land tenure system and hence outside the formal land administration system. This paper looks at the current bifurcated system and considers how the application of the fit-for-purpose land administration system can expand the existing cadastral system and provide security of tenure that is beneficial and acceptable to all. It demonstrates that, not only could it work, but it is also considered to be necessary. This paper uses South Africa as a case study to demonstrate how adjustments to institutional, legal and spatial frameworks will develop a fully inclusive, sufficiently accurate land administration system that fits the purpose for which it is envisioned. These country-specific proposals may well be of international interest to assist with the formulation of fit-for-purpose land administration systems being developed in other countries.


Aethiopica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 58-82
Author(s):  
Irma Taddia

The complex issue of the land tenure system in 19th and 20th century Ethiopia–Eritrea has a tridimensional aspect that constitutes the basis of my reflection here: the native conception of land, the imperial Ethiopian policy and the colonial intervention. A correct evaluation of this interrelation can be properly understood by focusing on a corpus of integrated sources related to local written documentation, oral records and colonial reports. The control of the northern border by Emperors Yoḥannǝs and Mǝnilǝk created various historical problems and a debate focusing on independence and the maintenance of a political autonomy of the Märäb Mǝllaš. Land tenure system is the key factor for understanding the dynamic of power relations in the area at the eve of colonial rule.


1967 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 618-620
Author(s):  
Barbara Lewis Solow

The explanations put forth during the nineteenth century to account for Ireland's economic condition may be grouped under three heads. The first was associated with the conceptual framework of the English classical economists and stressed overpopulation and excessive subdivision. A second approach, which might be called the underdeveloped-country explanation, emphasized the need for social overhead capital—drainage, flood control, communications, and education. The third approach argued that defects in the land tenure system were at the root of Ireland's failure to develop a prosperous economy.


1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Taft Manning

Patterns of historical writing are notoriously difficult to change. Much of what is still being written about colonial administration in the nineteenth-century British Empire rests on the partisan and even malicious writings of critics of the Government in England in the 1830s and '40s who had never seen the colonial correspondence and were unfamiliar with existing conditions in the distant colonies. The impression conveyed in most textbooks is that the Colonial Office after 1815 was a well-established bureaucracy concerned with the policies of the mother country in the overseas possessions, and that those policies changed very slowly and only under pressure. Initially Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Charles Buller were responsible for this Colonial Office legend, but it was soon accepted by most of the people who had business to transact there. Annoyed by the fact that the measures proposed by the Wakefield group did not meet with instant acceptance, Wakefield and Buller attacked the Permanent Under-Secretary, James Stephen, as the power behind the throne in 14 Downing Street and assumed that his ideas of right and wrong were being imposed willy-nilly on the unfortunate colonists and would-be colonists.The picture of Stephen as all-powerful in shaping imperial policy was probably strengthened by the publication in 1885 of Henry Taylor's Autobiography. Taylor was one of Stephen's warmest admirers and had served with him longer than anyone else; when he stated that for a quarter of a century Stephen “more than any one man virtually governed the British Empire,” historians were naturally inclined to give credence to his words.


1986 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.J. Stockwell

In the nineteenth century the British, Dutch, French and Russians bit deep into the Islamic world. European colonial power rested on the active support of Moslem rulers who, as leaders of clearly defined and hierarchical societies possessed of laws and monarchs, were attractive collaborators in the exercise of imperialism. With a pragmatism born of frontier experience, Europeans reached agreements with Islamic regimes throughout Asia and Africa. The dictum of Usuman dan Fodio — “The government of a country is the government of its king. If the king is Moslem, his land is Moslem” — was echoed in many a European statement on the principles and practices of colonial rule. The British, for their part, struck deals with Indian princes and Fulani emirs, with the Egyptian Khedive and the Sultan of Zanzibar, with the royal houses of the Arab world and the rulers of the Malay states.


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