Environmental and Economic Performance of Hybrid Power-to-Liquid and Biomass-to-Liquid Fuel Production in the United States

Author(s):  
Stewart A. Isaacs ◽  
Mark D. Staples ◽  
Florian Allroggen ◽  
Dharik S. Mallapragada ◽  
Christoph P. Falter ◽  
...  
2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Pollin ◽  
Brian Callaci

We develop a Just Transition framework for U.S. workers and communities that are currently dependent on domestic fossil fuel production. Our rough high-end estimate for such a program is a relatively modest $600 million per year. This level of funding would pay for (1) income, retraining, and relocation support for workers facing retrenchments; (2) guaranteeing the pensions for workers in the affected industries; and (3) mounting effective transition programs for what are now fossil fuel–dependent communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 660-676
Author(s):  
JUSTIN DE BENEDICTIS-KESSNER ◽  
CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW

Retrospective voting is a crucial component of democratic accountability. A large literature on retrospective voting in the United States finds that the president’s party is rewarded in presidential elections for strong economic performance and punished for weak performance. By contrast, there is no clear consensus about whether politicians are held accountable for the local economy at other levels of government, nor how voters react to the economy in a complex system of multilevel responsibility. In this study, we use administrative data on county-level economic conditions from 1969 to 2018 and election results across multiple levels of government to examine the effect of the local economy on elections for local, state, and federal offices in the United States. We find that the president’s party is held accountable for economic performance across nearly all levels of government. We also find that incumbents are held accountable for the economy in U.S. House and gubernatorial elections. Our findings have broad implications for literatures on representation, accountability, and elections.


Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baldev Raj Nayar

Propelled by an impressive economic performance in recent years, India engaged actively as a global player in international affairs, particularly in relation to the United States. Sustaining this drive for engagement will, however, require both deft geopolitical management and overcoming continuing serious challenges at home.


1991 ◽  
Vol 137 ◽  
pp. 24-44
Author(s):  
Andrew Gurney ◽  
Ray Barrell

In the course of the last 2 years economic performance in the major 7 economies has become less synchronised. In 1988 GNP grew by more than 3.5 per cent in all seven economies, with growth rates either at or close to cyclical highs. However for 1991 we expect negative GNP growth for Canada and the United Kingdom, negligible growth in the United States, growth of around 1.5 per cent in France and Italy, and of over 3 per cent in Germany and Japan. Table 1 shows that GNP growth in the major 7 economies is expected to slow to 1.2 per cent in 1991. Chart 1 highlights the different responses among the major 4 economies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (02) ◽  
pp. 271-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Granka

Predictions of the United States presidential election vote outcome have been growing in scope and popularity in the academic realm. Traditional election forecasting models predict the United States presidential popular vote outcome on a national level based primarily on economic indicators (e.g., real income growth, unemployment), public approval ratings, and incumbency advantage. Many of these forecasting models are rooted in retrospective voting theory (Downs 1957; Fiorina 1981), essentially rewarding the party in office if times are good, punishing it if times are bad. These models have successfully predicted election results by modeling economic performance and incumbent approval ratings (Campbell 2012; Fair 1992; Fair 1996; Klarner 2012). For example, Abramowitz's (2004; 2005) “time for a change model” predicts election results using economic performance during the first half of the election year, the number of years the incumbent party has been in office, and presidential approval. For a full review of 13 presidential forecasts for the US 2012 election, seePS: Political Science and PoliticsOctober 2012 (45 (4): 610–75). Although national models are the most common, researchers have also started to use state-level predictions for presidential and congressional outcomes, with mostly positive success (Berry and Bickers 2012; Jerome and Jerome-Speziari 2012; Klarner 2012; Silver 2012). These models use similar predictors, such as incumbency, economic conditions, and home-state advantage, and predict the per-candidate percentage of popular vote. Unfortunately, with state-level models, many of the economic variables used in predicting national models are unavailable beyond 10–15 election cycles (compounded also by 1959 additions of Alaska and Hawaii), so state-level models naturally have a shorter period of analysis than do national models.


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