Racial stress and racialized violence among Black immigrants in the United States.

Author(s):  
Marisol L. Meyer ◽  
Monique C. McKenny ◽  
Esprene Liddell-Quintyn ◽  
Guerda Nicolas ◽  
Gemima St. Louis
Author(s):  
Caiti Coe

In our contemporary period of human mobility and global capitalism, political identifications are being configured in multiple sites beyond the nation-state. The book’s theoretical innovation is to analyze what happens at work in terms of larger processes of political belonging. In particular, it examines how the recognitions and reciprocities entailed by care work affect the political belonging of new African migrants in the United States. Care for America’s growing seniors is increasingly provided by migrants, and it is only expected to grow, as experts in health care anticipate a care crunch. Because of the demand for elder care and the low barriers to entry, new African immigrants have adopted elder care as a niche employment sector. However, elder care puts care workers into racialized, gendered and age hierarchies, and made it difficult to achieve social and economic mobility. Through working in elder care, African care workers see the United States as uninhabitable, in the sense that it does not reciprocate their labor and makes a respected personhood impossible. This book highlights a more complex process of racialization and incorporation for Black immigrants than is commonly posited.


Author(s):  
Anna Zawadzka

Killing symphathy: About Jodi Melamed’s Represent and destroy: Rationalizing violence in a new racial capitalismThis article discusses the book Represent and destroy: Rationalizing violence in a new racial capitalism by Jodi Melamed. The author of the book identifies and describes three different theories of race, all officially antiracist, which over the last seventy years successively enjoyed dominant status in the United States, meaning that they have been produced and reproduced by state institutions and initiatives. The three theories are racial liberalism, liberal multiculturalism and neoliberal multiculturalism. Jodi Melamed argues that their purpose was, first and foremost, to legitimize the capitalist exploitation of colored people, both locally and globally. As Melamed examines the critical attitudes to the dominant approach to race in the USA, and how their polemical potential has been contained, she demonstrates how post-war antiracist ideologies have limited the understanding of racism and provided the foundations for and normalized new forms of racialized violence. Zabójcza sympatia: O książce Jodi Melamed Represent and destroy: Rationalizing violence in a new racial capitalismArtykuł stanowi omówienie książki Jodi Melamed Represent and destroy: Rationalizing violence in a new racial capitalism. W książce tej autorka wyodrębnia i opisuje trzy kolejne ideologie związane z rasą – wszystkie oficjalnie antyrasistowskie – które na przestrzeni ostatnich 70 lat miały w Stanach Zjednoczonych status dominujących, to znaczy były wytwarzane i reprodukowane przez instytucje i inicjatywy państwowe: rasowy liberalizm, liberalny multikulturalizm i neoliberalny multikulturalizm. Jodi Melamed dowodzi, że ideologie te służyły przede wszystkim legitymizacji kapitalistycznego wyzysku osób kolorowych, zarówno w skali lokalnej, jak i globalnej. Śledząc dzieje narracji krytycznych wobec dominującego rozumienia rasy w USA oraz sposoby wygaszania ich polemicznego potencjału, Melamed pokazuje, jak powojenne ideologie antyrasistowskie nie tylko ograniczyły rozumienie rasizmu, ale ufundowały i znormalizowały nowe formy urasowionej przemocy.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110427
Author(s):  
Katharine Hall

Recent scholarship on war and policing has begun to theorize the two in more intimate relation with each other, especially through connections to racialized violence and governance. Drawing on this body of work, and the concept of martial politics specifically, I examine how logics of war operate within domestic spaces and reproduce racialized conceptualizations of threat. I focus on a confrontation between the MOVE organization and the city of Philadelphia in 1985, which led to police firing 10,000 rounds of ammunition into a house where MOVE members and their children were living, and to the extensive use of military-grade explosives, culminating in the police dropping a bomb from a helicopter onto the house. The bomb ignited a fire that killed six adult MOVE members and five children, and destroyed 61 houses. I examine the decision of the city to bomb MOVE and consider the role that conceptions of war and threat played in shaping the event. This case shows not just the migration of military techniques into domestic spheres (and a long history of this in the United States), but more significantly, it reveals how violence and war-making have always been a foundation of liberal governance.


2007 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas S. Massey ◽  
Margarita Mooney ◽  
Kimberly C. Torres ◽  
Camille Z. Charles

Author(s):  
Daniel T. Lichter ◽  
Zhenchao Qian ◽  
Dmitry Tumin

We document patterns of intermarriage between immigrants and natives during a period of unprecedented growth in the size and diversity of America’s foreign-born population. Roughly one in six U.S. marriages today involve immigrants and a large share includes U.S.-born partners. Ethno-racial background clearly shapes trajectories of immigrant social integration. White immigrants are far more likely than other groups to marry U.S.-born natives, mostly other whites. Black immigrants are much less likely to marry black natives or out-marry with other groups. Intermarriage is also linked with other well-known proxies of social integration—educational attainment, length of time in the country, and naturalization status. Classifying America’s largest immigrant groups (e.g., Chinese and Mexican) into broad panethnic groups (e.g., Asians and Hispanics) hides substantial diversity in the processes of marital assimilation and social integration across national origin groups.


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