The influence of party identification and system instability on support for male and female candidates

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth R. Brown ◽  
Amanda B. Diekman ◽  
Monica C. Schneider
Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides the theoretical context for the study by exploring whether and how gender usually matters in campaigns and elections, and the ways in which the 2016 election was different in this regard. The chapter presents the literature on voter preferences for male and female candidates, the impact of gender stereotypes on voting, and the way campaigns and advertisers make use of these stereotypes when trying to promote their candidates or undermine their opponents. The chapter devotes particular attention to recent claims that women are not disadvantaged in contemporary American elections, and it explores ways in which this finding might be applied to the 2016 presidential election, the first to feature a female general election nominee.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 434-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Mariante-Neto ◽  
Caroline P. Marroni ◽  
Alfeu de Medeiros Fleck Junior ◽  
Cláudio Augusto Marroni ◽  
Maria Lúcia Zanotelli ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

Who is tougher? In many elections, candidates frame their appeals in gendered ways—they compete, for instance, over who is more “masculine.” This is the case for male and female candidates alike. In the 2016 presidential election, however, the stark choice between the first major-party female candidate and a man who exhibited a persistent pattern of misogyny made the use of gender—ideas about femininity and masculinity—more prominent than ever before. This book explores the Trump and Clinton campaigns’ use of gender as a political weapon, and how the presidential race changed the ways in which House and Senate campaigns were waged in 2016. The thesis of this book is that Donald Trump’s candidacy radically altered the nature of the 2016 congressional campaigns in two ways. First, it changed the issues of contention in many of these races by making gender more central to the general election campaigns of both Democrats and Republicans. Second, expectations that Trump would lose the election influenced how candidates for lower office campaigned and how willing they were to connect their fortunes to those of their party’s nominee. The fact that Trump was expected to lose—and was expected to lose in large part because of his sexist and other bigoted comments—caused both major parties to direct more of their resources toward congressional races, and led many Republican candidates—especially women—to distance themselves from Trump.


2012 ◽  
Vol 62 (599) ◽  
pp. e446-e450 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Niroshan Siriwardena ◽  
Bill Irish ◽  
Zahid B Asghar ◽  
Hilton Dixon ◽  
Paul Milne ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-194
Author(s):  
Virginia García-Beaudoux ◽  
◽  
Salomé Berrocal-Gonzalo ◽  
Orlando D`Adamo ◽  
◽  
...  

The research analyzes the content that 32 male and female candidates published on their Instagram accounts during the month prior to the date of the 2019 presidential elections in Argentina. The content analysis method was used, in order to evaluate two variables: type of published information and communicated leadership style. The main results indicate that they privileged the strictly political content more than politainment, and the projection of hard leadership skills more than soft ones. For their part, Instagram users express their preference for posts in which soft leadership skills are communicated, especially when it comes to the posts of the female candidates.


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