The Policy Agenda and British Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-183
Author(s):  
Shaun Bevan ◽  
Will Jennings

The UK Policy Agendas Project has collected a wide range of data on the policy agenda of major institutional venues in British politics and on the public and media agendas. This rich data source allows systematic and consistent analysis across institutions, and across countries, extending back over a century in the case of some agendas. The data provide measures of the policy agenda of the executive (the Speech from the Throne) and the legislature (Acts of UK Parliament), along with aggregate survey data about the public agenda (public opinion about the most important problem), media (front-page stories of The Times), Prime Minister’s Questions, and bills and hearings of the Scottish Parliament. Through its extensive collection of data, the project has enabled novel insights into the policy agenda of UK government, how it responds to shocks and external pressures, and how patterns of policy change and stability compare to other countries.


2013 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Peter John ◽  
Anthony Bertelli ◽  
Will Jennings ◽  
Shaun Bevan

1999 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 17-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. H. H. Green

Margaret Thatcher resigned as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative party in November 1990, but both she and the political ideology to which her name has been appended continue to fascinate pundits and scholars. Indeed, since Thatcher's resignation in November 1990, curiosity about her political legacy has, if anything, increased, fuelled in part by the memoirs produced by the ex-premier herself and a large number of her one-time Cabinet colleagues. Since the early 1980s the bulk of work that has appeared on Thatcherism has been dominated either by what one might describe as the ‘higher journalism’ or by political science scholarship, both of which have been most exercised by the questions of what Thatcherism was and where it took British politics and society. In this essay I want to look at Thatcherism from an historical perspective and thus ask a different question, namely where did Thatcherism, and in particular the political economy of Thatcherism, come from?Given that Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative party in 1975 this might seem a logical starting-point from which to track Thatcherism's origins. Some have argued, however, that Thatcher's election in itself was of little importance, in that the Conservative party's leadership contest in 1975 was a competition not to be Edward Heath, and that Thatcher won because she was more obviously not Edward Heath than anyone else. This emphasis on the personal aspects of the leadership issue necessarily plays down any ideological significance of Thatcher's victory, a point often reinforced by reference to the fact that key elements of the policy agenda that came to be associated with Thatcherism, notably privatisation, were by no means clearly articulated in the late 1970s and did not appear in the Conservative Election Manifesto of 1979.


2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 742-760 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Heffernan

Drawing on the Kuhnian model of scientific paradigms, this article suggests consensus politics should be conceptualised not as an agreement or a settlement but as a political framework that derives from an ideationally informed policy paradigm. Such a consensus constrains the autonomy of governing elites, encouraging them to conform to an established policy agenda that defines the ‘mainstream’ wherein ‘the possible is the art of politics’. In Britain, as demonstrated by the replacement of a post-war social democratic paradigm by a contemporary neo-liberal successor, periods of policy continuity and incremental reform have been matched by occasions of dramatic political change. Any appreciation of consensus politics has therefore to explain change as well as account for stability, something considerably under emphasised in the existing literature. Consensus politics are therefore best defined as a constrained space within which politics is conducted and political actors differ, a paradigmatic framework from which political outcomes emerge, and never as an agreement freely entered into. Looking at consensus politics beyond the much commented upon post-war example, this article uses British politics since 1945 as an exemplar of consensus politics and an illustration of how a consensus can be forged, how it can endure and how it may change.


1978 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McKay ◽  
Andrew Cox

The paper concentrates on the realization of an inner city or urban problem in British politics in the mid-1960s. Rejecting the conventional explanation of the resultant ‘urban programme’ as solely the consequence of Labour reactions to Enoch Powell's ‘rivers of blood’ speech in 1968, the paper assesses the utility of a number of explanations for the gestation and ultimate shape of this new policy direction. Interest-group, elite and Marxist interpretations are also rejected, while amorphous academic ideas and bureaucratic domination of an embryonic policy agenda are offered as the two most plausible explanations of the subsequent shape of the ‘urban programme’. The paper concludes with an assessment of the impact of poorly conceived policy responses in generating more viable alternatives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 48-70
Author(s):  
David Torrance

This chapter continues its analysis of Scottish Conservative ‘nationalist unionism’ by tracing the evolution of the party’s more ostentatiously nationalist ‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’ agenda after the Second World War. This was the consequence of several forces in Scottish and British politics, chiefly rising nationalist sentiment in Scottish society (though the SNP remained weak) and the then Labour government’s centralising policies in relation to nationalised industries. Sensing an opportunity, Scottish Unionists made a nationalist ‘offer’ to the electorate, which helped the party recover at general elections in 1950 and 1951. By outbidding Labour with its Scottish policy agenda, Scottish Unionists were able to present themselves as the most ‘Scottish’ party and the most credible defenders of its distinctiveness within the Union. At the same time, Labour was depicted as ‘anti-Scottish’ and the Home Rule movement (which wanted legislative as well as administrative devolution) as too extreme.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John ◽  
Will Jennings

This article explores the politics of attention in Britain from 1940 to 2005. It uses the Speech from the Throne (the King’s or Queen’s Speech) at the state opening of each session of parliament as a measure of the government’s priorities, which is coded according to topic as categorized by the Policy Agendas framework. The article aims to advance understanding of a core aspect of the political agenda in Britain, offering empirical insights on established theories, claims and narratives about post-war British politics and policy making. The analysis uses both distributional and time-series tests that reveal the punctuated character of the political agenda in Britain and its increasing fragmentation over time, with turning points observed in 1964 and 1991.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (15) ◽  
pp. 23-23
Author(s):  
George Lyons
Keyword(s):  

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