‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’

2020 ◽  
pp. 48-70
Author(s):  
David Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Its Analysis ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
Second World

This chapter continues its analysis of Scottish Conservative ‘nationalist unionism’ by tracing the evolution of the party’s more ostentatiously nationalist ‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’ agenda after the Second World War. This was the consequence of several forces in Scottish and British politics, chiefly rising nationalist sentiment in Scottish society (though the SNP remained weak) and the then Labour government’s centralising policies in relation to nationalised industries. Sensing an opportunity, Scottish Unionists made a nationalist ‘offer’ to the electorate, which helped the party recover at general elections in 1950 and 1951. By outbidding Labour with its Scottish policy agenda, Scottish Unionists were able to present themselves as the most ‘Scottish’ party and the most credible defenders of its distinctiveness within the Union. At the same time, Labour was depicted as ‘anti-Scottish’ and the Home Rule movement (which wanted legislative as well as administrative devolution) as too extreme.

Of Collapses and Rebirths

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Brodie
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Allied Occupation ◽  
Its Analysis ◽  
Foreign Occupation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
Second World ◽  
Power And Influence

This chapter analyses German Catholics’ transitions from war to peace during the mid-1940s. Beginning its analysis in summer 1944, the chapter initially explores Catholics’ attitudes as the Reich collapsed under the weight of Allied offensives, and the theological frameworks employed to understand this devastation and defeat. The chapter then proceeds to examine the reasons behind the Catholic Church’s rising power and influence over the later 1940s during the Allied occupation of the Rhineland and Westphalia, and considers whether this reflected continuity or discontinuity from its position during the Second World War itself. The chapter argues that the Catholic Church’s newfound influence during the early post-war period reflected the peculiar circumstances of foreign occupation, with the clergy emerging as champions of the German population’s grievances vis-à-vis the Allied occupiers in the absence of secular German authorities.

Japan and Australia, 1944–1946

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dean Aszkielowicz
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Australian Government ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Major Player ◽  
War Criminals ◽  
The Government ◽  
Second World

When the Second World War ended, the Australian government sought to establish the country as a major player in regional diplomacy. An early focus of Australia’s new and energetic foreign policy agenda was regional security, and in particular, bringing Japan to account for the war. After some early frustrations with its major allies, the Australian government was given several key roles in the Occupation of Japan. The Occupation began with the goals of democratizing and reforming Japan, and prosecuting war criminals was a key part of this early agenda. Meanwhile in Australia, the public demanded the government begin a resolute process of bringing war criminals to justice.

Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 864-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Hickson ◽  
Jasper Miles
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
European Unity ◽  
Democratic Ideology ◽  
Second World

The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks to restore that tradition and concludes that it is built on a clear conceptualisation of social democratic ideology.

scholarly journals Geostrategic Essence of the Bay of Bengal & Its Implications on the Energy Security: A Bangladesh Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-260
Author(s):  
Md.Aslam Hossain Jony Jony ◽  
Shiblee Nomani
Keyword(s):  
Bay Of Bengal ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Research Paper ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Its Analysis ◽  
Second World ◽  
India And China ◽  
Global Powers

The Bay of Bengal has received huge interest from global powers after the Second World War. The rivalry between India and China exists for decades. The research aims to showcase the Geostrategic essence of the Bay of Bengal and its implication on energy security through the perspective of Bangladesh. The paper also focuses on the complexities created on energy security by Sino-Indian rivalry and vice versa along with the challenges for Bangladesh’s energy security as well as regional peace and harmony. Finally, the research paper would employ its analysis to illustrate some possibly reliable recommendations to mitigate the complexities of energy security in the Bay of Bengal region. 

A Land Fit for Tories to Live In: The Political Ecology of the British Conservative Party, 1944–94

1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Right ◽  
Second World

Although the industrialised West has seen since the 1970s a very marked leaning to the right both in government and in popular politics, the experience of the British Conservative Party has been unique. The party can trace a continuous existence to the reconstruction of the King's government by William Pitt the Younger in 1784, and is probably the oldest political organisation in the world: far older, indeed, than most sovereign states. In two centuries of life it has transformed itself from the party of monarchy, aristocracy and the Established Church into a highly successful practitioner of mass politics. It has been in government, either as the sole party of government or as the dominant partner in coalition, for seventy years in the last hundred, and thirty-two years in the last fifty. This remarkable political achievement can be explained at many levels; the purpose of this article is to explore just one of them. By bringing together the explanatory insights of political scientists working on electoral sociology with the records of the party in government and opposition, it is possible to discern how the Conservatives used the opportunities of government to cultivate the society which tended, and increasingly tends, to give them victory at the ballot box. This cultivation of the political environment was not exactly social engineering – a project which contemporary Conservatives emphatically reject – but in tune with the biological metaphor of the title of this paper it could be called ‘social gardening’. The first part of the article examines very briefly how political scientists have come to understand the functioning of the British electoral process since the Second World War. The second part explores the process of adaptation which has enabled the Conservative Party to dominate British politics since the war.

scholarly journals The transfer of ashes after the Holocaust in Europe, 1945–60

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-35
Author(s):  
Jean-Marc Dreyfus
Keyword(s):  
Country Of Origin ◽  
Human Remains ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Concentration Camp ◽  
World War ◽  
Symbolic Function ◽  
Its Analysis ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Second World

From 1945 until around 1960, ceremonies of a new kind took place throughout Europe to commemorate the Holocaust and the deportation of Jews; ashes would be taken from the site of a concentration camp, an extermination camp, or the site of a massacre and sent back to the deportees country of origin (or to Israel). In these countries, commemorative ceremonies were then organised and these ashes (sometimes containing other human remains) placed within a memorial or reburied in a cemetery. These transfers of ashes have, however, received little attention from historical researchers. This article sets out to describe a certain number of them, all differing considerably from one another, before drawing up a typology of this phenomenon and attempting its analysis. It investigates the symbolic function of ashes in the aftermath of the Second World War and argues that these transfers – as well as having a mimetic relationship to transfers of relics – were also instruments of political legitimisation.

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