Argument realization of psychological verbs

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 755-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chao Li
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Single Argument ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Unaccusative Verbs ◽  
Argument Realization ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Psychological Verbs

Abstract By using data from nearly thirty languages of various families and regions, this paper examines the argument realization of three types of psychological verbs (i.e. causative bivalent, non-causative bivalent, and monovalent). It finds that, when compared with the argument realization of core transitive verbs like BREAK, causative bivalent psych verbs show crosslinguistic uniformity in that they pattern with core transitive verbs in argument realization. The same comparative approach finds that the argument realization of non-causative bivalent psych verbs shows a lot of crosslinguistic variation. As for monovalent psych verbs, the paper finds that they almost always pattern with the argument realization of unaccusative verbs. The findings of the paper are accounted for by using the Force-Control-Causality (FCC) model of verb meaning. Under this model, the uniformity in argument realization with respect to causative bivalent psych verbs is due to the prominence of the causative relationship expressed and the directionality of the causality from the Causer to the Causee. The variation in argument realization with respect to non-causative bivalent psych verbs can be attributed to the fact that such verbs express neither causation nor transmission of physical force. As for the near uniformity in argument realization with respect to monovalent psych verbs, it is due to the fact that they involve only one argument (thus no competition for the subject position) and this single argument shares the [−control] feature with the single argument of unaccusative verbs. This study points to the need of recognizing Causer and Causee as two core and highly-ranked thematic roles in a global thematic hierarchy.

Case Marking and French Psych-Verbs

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Herschensohn
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
Thematic Roles ◽  
Thematic Role ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Verb Classes ◽  
Syntactic Position ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Syntactic Behavior

This article confirms that two classes of psych-verbs in French, amuser-type ("accusative") and manquer-type ("unaccusative"), involve movement into the subject position. However, the two classes are distinguished by their ability to assign accusative Case: the former assign accusative Case and thereby mimic the syntactic behavior of transitive verbs; the latter assign only partitive Case, thus precluding accusative clitics, passive and WH extraction. The existence of different syntactic configurations of thematic roles with different psych-verb classes indicates a lack of direct correlation between syntactic position and thematic role.

How are Lexical-Semantic Differences Represented in L2 Syntax? A Study of the Unaccusative/Unergative Distinction in L2 Chinese

1996 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 201-215
Author(s):  
Boping Yuan
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Object Position ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Lexical Semantic ◽  
Change Of State ◽  
Single Argument ◽  
Unaccusative Verbs ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Intransitive Verbs

It has been proposed that intransitive verbs can be divided into two subgroups, unaccusative verbs, such as break and arrive, and unergative verbs, such as laugh and swim. The former type has an internal argument, but no external one, whereas the latter type has an external argument but no internal one. Unaccusative verbs are verbs of change of state or location, while unergative verbs are a set of agentive monadic verbs including verbs of manner of motion. In English, the internal argument of the unaccusative verb has to move to subject position to be Case-marked. In Chinese, however, the internal argument can remain in object position and get inherent partitive Case as long as it is an indefinite NP. External arguments of unergative verbs in both English and Chinese are in preverbal position whether they are definite or indefinite. The study reported in this paper was aimed at finding out whether the lexical-semantic distinction between the unaccusative verb and the unergative verb could be properly represented in English-speaking learners' L2 syntax of Chinese and whether the learner would only allow the single argument of the unaccusative verb but disallow that of the unergative verb to be in object position. The results indicate that the unaccusative/unergative distinction is acquired very late by English-speaking learners, and that the acquisition does not proceed in a linear fashion.

The Neural Correlates of Linguistic Distinctions: Unaccusative and Unergative Verbs

2010 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 2306-2315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Einat Shetreet ◽  
Naama Friedmann ◽  
Uri Hadar
Keyword(s):  
Inferior Frontal Gyrus ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Middle Temporal Gyrus ◽  
Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus ◽  
Middle Temporal ◽  
Left Posterior ◽  
Unaccusative Verbs ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Conjunction Analysis

Unaccusative verbs like fall are special in that their sole argument is syntactically generated at the object position of the verb rather than at the subject position. Unaccusative verbs are derived by a lexical operation that reduces the agent from transitive verbs. Their insertion into a sentence often involves a syntactic movement from the object to the subject position. To explore the neurological reality of the distinction between different verb types and to identify the cortical activations associated with the lexical and syntactic operations, we compared unaccusative verbs with verbs that do not undergo such operations—unergatives (verbs with one argument, an agent) and transitives (verbs with two arguments). The observed pattern of activation revealed that the brain distinguishes between unaccusative and unergative verbs, lending neurological support for the linguistic distinction. A conjunction analysis between the comparisons between unaccusatives and the other verb types revealed activations in the left inferior frontal gyrus and the left posterior middle temporal gyrus. These, together with previous neuroimaging results, suggest that the inferior frontal gyrus may be involved with the execution of the syntactic operation, whereas the middle temporal gyrus may be responsible for the lexical operation that derives unaccusative verbs.

scholarly journals Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 647-696
Author(s):  
Beatriz Fernández ◽  
Fernando Zúñiga ◽  
Ane Berro
Keyword(s):  
Natural Language ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Formal Expression ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Other Regarding ◽  
Psychological Verbs

Abstract This paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.

scholarly journals A comparison of the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Anna Bondaruk
Keyword(s):  
Active Agent ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Type Ii ◽  
Argument Realization ◽  
Grammatical Structures ◽  
Syntactic Derivation ◽  
Special Meaning

The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is argued that the two structures are similar as regards argument realization, i.e. in both constructions, the theme argument appears in the structural subject position. The two structures also have a dispositional meaning in common. However, they show a number of differences. They differ in the presence of a syntactically active agent, their aspectual properties, the availability of episodic interpretations, the obligatory presence of an adverbial modifier, and verb class restrictions. Although these differences seem to argue against a common syntactic derivation for the two structures analysed here, they do not preclude classifying the modal dać się structure as a subtype of the dispositional middle. If middles are seen as a notional category, understood as a special meaning that different grammatical structures can have, along the lines postulated by Condoravdi (1989), then the modal dać się structure can be subsumed under the label of middle. In fact, it is argued that the modal dać się structure represents Type II middles in Ackema and Schoorlemmer’s (2005) typology, and it shows properties typical of lassen-middles in German (Pitteroff 2014).

Remapping variable subject position in Spanish intransitives

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel F. Pulido
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Motion Verbs ◽  
Alternative Analysis ◽  
Weight Factors ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Verb Categories

Abstract In Spanish, a SVO language with variable word order, post-verbal subjects have been proposed to be favored for particular verb categories. For instance, based on agentivity, unaccusatives are proposed to favor VS as a whole. Motion verbs are regarded as unaccusatives generally favoring VS order. An alternative analysis is presented here, using data from two conversational corpora. Motion verbs are recategorized based on their predicted tendency to include adverbials in the sentence and compared with other unaccusatives. Motion verbs are divided according to their Deictic Function (Talmy 2000) into “come” verbs (i.e., “motion-toward-the-center,” that is, the speaker), and “go” verbs. “Come” verbs do not often require target specification through an adverbial, whereas “go” verbs do. Adverbials were found to appear as post-verbal path specification in “go” verbs; due to weight factors, such specifiers favor pre-verbal subjects. Importantly, even when no modifier is present, trends persist, suggesting entrenchment of usage patterns.

scholarly journals Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatriz Fernández ◽  
Fernando Zúñiga ◽  
Ane Berro
Keyword(s):  
Natural Language ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Formal Expression ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Other Regarding ◽  
Psychological Verbs

AbstractThis paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.

scholarly journals Stages rather than ages in the acquisition of movement structures: Data from sentence repetition and 27696 spontaneous clauses

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naama Friedmann ◽  
Julia Reznick
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Spontaneous Speech ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Crossing Over ◽  
Syntactic Movement ◽  
Sentence Repetition ◽  
Unaccusative Verbs ◽  
Different Ages ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
Repetition Task

This study explored the order of acquisition of various types of syntactic-movement and embedding structures in Hebrew, using a sentence-repetition task, in which 60 children aged 2;2-3;10 repeated 80 sentences (with a total of 4800 sentences), and an analysis of the spontaneous speech of 61 children aged 1;6-6;1 (27,696 clauses). The sentence repetition task revealed a set order of acquisition of the various types of syntactic movement: A-movement is acquired first, then A-bar-movement, and finally movement of the verb to C. The analysis of spontaneous speech revealed the same order: A-movement of the object of unaccusative verbs to subject position appears first, together with simple SV sentences; then, wh-questions appear, then relative clauses and topicalization, which appear together with embedding of finite clauses, and lastly, V-to-C movement. Previous studies have shown that Hebrew speakers under age six have difficulty comprehending and producing sentences with A-bar-movement in which a lexically-restricted object crosses over a lexically-restricted subject. And indeed, whereas children produced A-bar structures very early (wh-questions from age 1;6, relative-clauses and topicalization from age 2;6), until age 5;8 these structures never included a lexical DP crossing over another lexical DP. Both tasks indicated that the order of structure acquisition is fixed, creating Guttman scales between structures, but different children acquire the same structure at very different ages. It seems that whereas the syntactic path and the stages of structure acquisition along it are constant between children, each child walks this path in their own pace.

scholarly journals Efficiency of Public and Private Universities in Bangladesh: A Comparative Approach using Data Envelopment Analysis

2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-52
Author(s):  
M. Zakir Saadullah Khan ◽  
Sharna Mazumder
Keyword(s):  
Data Envelopment Analysis ◽  
Technical Efficiency ◽  
Public Universities ◽  
Percent Level ◽  
Private Universities ◽  
Private Higher Education ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Data Envelopment ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Using Data

The aim of this study is to measure the efficiency of higher educational institutions and investigate the comparative efficiency of public and private higher education in Bangladesh. Using data envelopment analysis (DEA), technical efficiency of 15 public universities and 20 private universities of Bangladesh are evaluated over the period 2008-2018. The empirical results reveal that public universities on an average operate between 56.2 to 80.7 percent level of technical efficiency while the private universities between 49.1 to 77.6 percent level over the study period. That is, universities in Bangladesh, on an average, do not operate efficiently in terms of resource utilization. Over the years only 33% public universities and 25% private universities are found efficient. The inefficient universities can improve their efficiency by utilizing full capacity of the inputs or reducing the amount of inputs at the estimated inefficiency rate of the respective universities. Findings also show that the public universities have the scope of producing 1.24 to 1.78 times and private universities 1.28 to 2.04 times as much output from the same level of inputs. Special monitoring by the regulatory authorities is required for inefficient universities to enhance their efficiency level.

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