Chapter 8. Are the Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems really motivated by the person hierarchy?

Author(s):  
Françoise Rose
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-173
Author(s):  
Peter M. Arkadiev

Abaza, a polysynthetic ergative Northwest Caucasian language, shares with its neighbour and distant relative Kabardian a typologically peculiar use of the deictic directional prefixes monitoring the relative ranking of the subject and indirect object on the person hierarchy. In both languages, the cislocative (‘hither’) prefixes are used if the indirect object outranks the subject on the person hierarchy, and the translocative (‘thither’) prefixes are used in combinations of first person subjects with second person singular indirect objects. This pattern, reminiscent of the more familiar inverse marking and hence called ‘quasi-inverse’, is observed with ditransitive and bivalent intransitive verbs and is almost fully redundant, since all participants are unequivocally indexed on verbs by pronominal prefixes. I argue that this isogloss, shared by West Circassian (a close relative to Kabardian) but not with Abkhaz, the sister-language of Abaza, is a result of pattern replication under intense language contact, which has led to an increase of both paradigmatic and syntagmatic complexity of Abaza verbal morphology.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doreen Georgi

In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized to target only positively valued person features on a goal. (ii) falls out directly from the Agree mechanism. (i) is a purely morphological phenomenon arising from the specification of local person exponents. Person portmanteaux are analyzed as inclusive markers in a derived inclusive context. Such a context can only emerge in local scenarios, which derives (iii). In general, the paper addresses the question how morphological theories that rely on discrete slots can handle portmanteaux by vocabulary insertion, without additional mechanisms like e.g. fusion. Keywords: Agree; relativized probing; person agreement; local scenarios; portmanteau morphemes; hierarchy effects; underspecification


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva-Maria Rößler

This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrycja Jablonska

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to establish the hierarchy of “finiteness” in Polish based on “morphological” considerations relating to syncretism and alternations, which were taken to be the interface between the lexicon and syntax. The paper focuses on parasitic stem syncretism within the paradigm of eight verb forms in Polish. The eight forms exhibit numerous stem syncretism patterns where one stem forms a “parasitic” base for the formation of another verb. The major point is to argue for a scale of degrees of finiteness rather than any categorical two-way distinction between finite and non-finite forms. The paper suggests various new topics for further research, e. g. how person hierarchy relates to the finiteness hierarchy.


1988 ◽  
Vol 22 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
KUTUMISA B. KYOTA ◽  
P. SWIGGERS
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-111
Author(s):  
Peter Arkadiev

AbstractThis paper discusses a typologically peculiar inverse-like construction found in the polysynthetic ergative Circassian languages of the Northwest-Caucasian family. These languages possess a cislocative verbal prefix, which, in addition to marking the spatial meaning of speaker-orientation, systematically occurs in polyvalent verbs when the object outranks the subject on the person hierarchy. The inverse-like use of the cislocative in Circassian differs from the “canonical” direct-inverse system in that, first, it is fully redundant since the person-role linking is achieved by means of the person markers themselves and, second, it does not occur in the basic transitive construction, featuring instead in configurations involving an indirect object both in ditransitive and bivalent intransitive verbs. It is argued that the typologically outstanding properties of the Circassian inverse-like marking can be naturally explained by its diachronic origin.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Marie-Odile Junker

There is a long tradition in placing I above YOU in linguistics and grammar. In our Western grammatical terminology, I is the “first person”. In the universal scale of agentivity, or “universal person hierarchy”, I is placed before YOU. The goal of this paper is to examine the proof for ordering I and YOU in such a fashion. The universal character of local person marking in human languages, and existing proposals concerning the person hierarchy are reviewed. The kind of grammatical phenomena governed by the so-called “universal hierarchy”: split ergativity, inverse systems, and pronominal marking, are discussed. First, we show that there are languages whose grammatical phenomena are governed by the other order, with YOU above I. Looking for the possibility that two person hierarchies share room within world languages, we then turn to the facts that support placing I above YOU, and demonstrate that this proof is non-existent. The egocentric perspective belongs to linguistics, and to certain habits of a Western school of thought, not to natural languages. The data examined here also shows that there are no languages where split ergativity or the inverse system would operate from a hierarchy placing 3rd persons above 2nd or 1st , thus confirming a 2, 1>3 hierarchy. As far as a hierarchy between singular persons or Speech Acts participants is concerned, the one for which there is clear evidence is the one where YOU outranks I: 2>I.


Author(s):  
Tyler Peterson

The Tsimshianic languages are entirely morphologically ergative in the agreement system. While there is a split in Tsimshianic, conditioned by both clause type and a person hierarchy, the other side of the split is not the expected nominative-accusative alignment. Rather, other logical groupings of semantic roles are found that are still ergative. This chapter presents a description of the agreement patterns across Tsimshianic, with the aim of explaining these expansions of ergativity, by undertaking a comparative analysis of the individual languages in the Tsimshianic family. This is analysis is extended to the connectives, which are complex, determiner-like morphemes that appear to be sensitive to the semantic role of the NP. This leads to four distinct alignments (nominative, ergative, neutral, and contrastive). An understanding of the alignments in the agreement system can shed light on this complexity, and a comparative analysis eliminates the multiple alignments in the connective system, thus revealing a fairly standard set of determiners.


Author(s):  
Heather Bliss ◽  
Elizabeth Ritter ◽  
Martina Wiltschko

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