The United Nations and the Western Sahara: A Report

1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Angier Biddle Duke
1988 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-203

On 7 September 1988 the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, received the degree of Doctor Honoris Causa from the University of Leiden. This degree was granted as a tribute to his contribution to international peace, justice and international law. Following an introduction by Professor H.G. Schermers (Leiden University), Professor P.H. Kooijmans (Leiden University) delivered the laudatio in honour of Mr. Perez de Cuellar. Mr. Kooijmans praised the efforts of the Secretary General in seeking settlement of international disputes, and he stated that Mr. Perez de Cuellar had at crucial moments used his personal prestige in order to achieve a breakthrough in the peaceful settlement of international disputes. In particular Mr. Kooijmans referred to the Iran\Iraq, Namibia, Afghanistan, and Western Sahara disputes. In particular Mr. Kooijmans referred to the Iran/Iraq, Namibia, Afghanistan, and Western Sahara disputes. The United Nations is now regaining its relevance as an international peacekeeping force after the various crises of the 1970s and 1980s. Professor Kooijmans contended that the leadership of the Secretary General has to a great extent been the source of this rejuvenation.


Author(s):  
Daniel Chigudu

The conflicts in Western Sahara have not been resolved conclusively for 43 years now with some referring to them as ‘frozen’ conflicts in Africa’s last colony. A clear case of decolonisation turned out to be a genesis of displacement and protracted suffering of the Saharawi people from the former coloniser to another handler arguably backed by some invisible external hegemons. This study is a qualitative research using secondary data and thematic analysis to investigate Western Sahara’s unending conflicts and the way forward. Located in the conflict theory, findings indicate that the past failed interventions by the United Nations have been a result of the influence of superpowers wielding levers of power in the United Nations Security Council with vested interests in the country. Morocco the new coloniser is a neighbouring country reluctant to cede power while taping the mineral and water resources which Western Sahara is abundantly endowed with. As the Saharawi people are not obliged to give in, the conflict rages on unabated. The latest United Nations intervention could avert the conflict situation as it appears that those who had vested interests are now recoiling. The situation should not be tolerated any further and the Sahrawis deserve better, peace and tranquillity in their homeland. It is recommended that, in the letter and spirit of multilateralism, the African Union and regional economic communities across Africa should swiftly intervene even though it is now late than never.


Author(s):  
Rosa Riquelme ◽  
Juan Soroeta

Western Sahara is the only non-self-governing territory on the African continent still awaiting the completion of its process of decolonization and, as such, it has been listed by the committee established for the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for half a century. While Spain and France were responsible for the delineation of land borders between 1900 and 1912, the delimitation of maritime boundaries is a pending issue. Spain began its colonization of the territory shortly before the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Despite the fact that since 1961 it had been providing the UN General Assembly with the information required under Article 73 (e) of the UN Charter, it was only in 1974 that it assumed proper responsibility for its obligations as administering power, when it decided to organize a referendum on self-determination, to be held in the first half of 1975 under the auspices of the United Nations. As a result of a series of events, that plan was ultimately frustrated. The first such obstacle was the postponement of the referendum by the General Assembly, after it had decided to ask the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion on the relationship between the Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco. The court’s ruling confirmed the international status of Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory. The second obstacle was the so-called Marcha Verde (Green March) on Sahara, organized by the King of Morocco, Hassan II, to demonstrate his intentions with regard to Western Sahara. Soon afterwards, Spain, Morocco, and Mauritania issued a declaration of principles on 14 November 1975 (also known as Madrid Agreements) whereby Spain not only ratified the decision to decolonize the territory and abandon its active presence on the territory but also committed itself to establishing a temporary administration together with Morocco and Mauritania and the collaboration of the Yemáa (Assembly of Sahrawi notables). For its part, Morocco occupied northern Western Sahara, which led to the conflict between Mauritania and Morocco and the Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguía el Hamra y de Río de Oro (Frente Polisario—Polisario Front), the Sahrawi national liberation movement created in 1973, which in turn proclaimed the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1976, which has been recognized by more than eighty states and has been a member of the African Union since 1984. The conflict with Mauritania ended in 1979, but the war with Morocco dragged on nearly a decade. The ceasefire agreement came into force in 1991. That same year Security Council Resolution 690 adopted the settlement plan agreed by the two parties and established the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). Once MINURSO had published a provisional electoral list for the holding of the referendum (February 2000), Morocco accused the members of the mission of bias and abandoned the peace plan. The core of the conflict lies in the fact that Morocco will only accept an autonomy formula for Western Sahara, which would remain an integral part of its national territory and under its sovereignty, whereas the Frente Polisario holds that the only acceptable solution to the conflict is holding a referendum on self-determination in which independence is an option.


1994 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony G. Pazzanita

By 1994 Africa had only one major unresolved colonial question. Namibia and Eritrea having acquired their independence in March 1990 and May 1993 respectively, the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara remains controlled by the Kingdom of Morocco (as it has since 1975), despite the expenditure of thousands of human lives, billions of dollars, and strenuous diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute through the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) and the United Nations. Both Morocco, under the monarchical régime of King Hassan II, and the Frente popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y Río de Oro (Polisario Front) composed of Saharawis dedicated to the establishment of an independent Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (S.A.D.R.), have found each other far more resourceful and less willing to compromise than they could possibly have surmised almost two decades ago.


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