Housing Instability, Structural Vulnerability, and Non-Fatal Opioid Overdoses Among People Who Use Heroin in Washington Heights, New York City

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
R. E. Pérez-Figueroa ◽  
D. J. Obonyo ◽  
S. Santoscoy ◽  
H. Surratt ◽  
H. M. Lekas ◽  
...  
Global Crime ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-229
Author(s):  
Austin Francis Muldoon

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1290-1316
Author(s):  
Robert W. Snyder

As scholars move from studying the city as the setting for larger social processes to exploring how cities play constitutive roles in historical change, it is important to explore the most fundamental and complex unit of urban life—the neighborhood—in all its subjective meanings and dimensions. This essay, which builds on my book, Crossing Broadway: Washington Heights and the Promise of New York City (Cornell, 2015), examines how residents of the Washington Heights section of northern Manhattan, who mentally divided their neighborhood into smaller and separate enclaves, overcame their divisions to avert the worst threats of the urban crisis in impressive displays of collective efficacy. Residents crossed and redefined neighborhood boundaries to preserve housing, empower Dominican immigrants, reduce crime, and recover parks and public spaces that had been damaged by neglect and violence. Ironically, the success of their efforts set off a surge in gentrification that threatens to displace poor and working-class residents. The study of their efforts, especially with oral history interviews, reveals the micro-neighborhoods that exist within a neighborhood boundary, the importance of thinking about space in urban culture and politics, and the value and limits of neighborhood action for social change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Pflugh Prescott ◽  
Evelyn Berger-Jenkins ◽  
Michael Serzan ◽  
Elizabeth Croswell ◽  
Dodi Meyer ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Hayin Kim

Essential to a community school’s success is a committed partnership among the school and school district, community organizations, and parents—a partnership that makes students’ academic success a shared responsibility and a shared goal. These partners come together to provide three key sets of supports and opportunities: (1) a strong, coherent core instructional program during the regular school day; (2) supports and services that address and seek to remove barriers to learning; and (3) enrichment opportunities during nonschool hours that build students’ motivation and capacity to succeed in school. Table 11.1 illustrates this concept through a graphic representation of supports and opportunities offered by New York community schools. After the early success of the work at Intermediate School (IS) 218 and Primary School (PS) 5 in Washington Heights, The Children’s Aid Society (CAS) received scores of requests from principals around New York City who wanted their schools to become CAS community schools. Deciding how to respond to these requests became a major issue for CAS, because our intention from the beginning was to enter into a long-term partnership with each school—which meant that the agency was committing itself to sustaining each partnership for multiple years, if not forever. The financial implications of each decision were clear: we needed to build slowly and carefully, with a view toward long-term sustainability. In our strategic plans and discussions with CAS trustees and funders, managing the growth of community schools was an explicit goal. Furthermore, we recognized that implementation of the CAS community school model must focus on adaptation, not replication. This meant that, as we added schools (at the rate of roughly one per year), we would conduct a local needs and resource assessment and make a plan that was responsive to the unique assets and needs of each school and its surrounding community. From March 1992 through June 2003, CAS worked in close partnership with the New York City public schools to develop ten community schools—five in the Washington Heights neighborhood of northern Manhattan, two in East Harlem (also in Manhattan), and three in the South Bronx.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-867
Author(s):  
Tawandra L. Rowell-Cunsolo ◽  
Yamnia I. Cortes ◽  
Yue Long ◽  
Erida Castro-Rivas ◽  
Jianfang Liu

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofelia García ◽  
Isabel Evangelista ◽  
Mabel Martínez ◽  
Carmen Disla ◽  
Bonifacio Paulino

ABSTRACTThis article presents the results of a comparative study of two Hispanic communities in New York City: Washington Heights and Elmhurst/Corona. Our data on language proficiency, language use, and attitudes were gathered using a sociolinguistic questionnaire. However, the study benefited from the interactive process established between the researchers and the communities which they studied and in which they live and work.Our data are analyzed along three dimensions. First, we compare data for the two Spanish-speaking communities. We discuss how the social status and the ethnic configuration of the community affect linguistic and attitudinal behaviors. Then, we analyze the data according to national origin. We discuss how the five nationality groups included in our study – Central Americans, Cubans, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, and South Americans – differ in language proficiency, language use, and language attitudes. Finally, we compare the data for Dominicans in Washington Heights to that of Dominicans in Elmhurst/Corona. We examine how national origin and the language surround of the ethnic community interact in order to determine language use and attitudes. Some of the findings here differ from what may be supposed of such cases.We suggest socioeducational and language policies for Hispanics in the United States based on the results of this study. (Sociology of language, sociolinguistics, language planning, ethnic studies, sociology, education of language minorities, language education, Central American, Cuban, Dominican, Puerto Rican, South American Spanish in New York City)


2021 ◽  
pp. 154041532110575
Author(s):  
Roman Pabayo ◽  
Claire Benny ◽  
Sze Yan Liu ◽  
Erin Grinsteyn ◽  
Peter Muennig

Objectives: In the United States, Hispanics are more likely to experience financial barriers to mental health care than non-Hispanics. We used a unique survey to study the effect of these financial barriers on the severity of depressive symptoms among Hispanics who had previously been diagnosed as having depression. Methods: This cross-sectional study used data from the 2015 Washington Heights Community Survey, administered to 2,489 households in Manhattan, New York City. Multiple regression models and propensity score matching were used to estimate the association between financial barriers to mental health care and depressive symptoms and the likelihood of being clinically depressed. Results: Among those diagnosed with depression, those with financial barriers to mental health services or counseling had significantly higher (β = 0.36, 95% CI = 0.03, 0.70) depressive symptoms. When propensity score matching was utilized, those with financial barriers to mental health services had significantly greater depressive symptoms (β = 0.63, 95% CI = 0.37, 0.89) and were significantly more likely to be currently depressed (OR = 2.38, 95% CI = 1.46, 3.89), in comparison to those who had access. Conclusions: Making mental health care more affordable and therefore more accessible to Hispanics is one step toward mitigating the burden on mental illness and decreasing health disparities.


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