scholarly journals Political party and party system institutionalization in Southeast Asia: lessons for democratic consolidation in Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand

2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Ufen
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Party System Institutionalization

Continuity and Change in Philippine Electoral Politics: A Re-Evaluation

1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-234
Author(s):  
James A. Curry
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Machine Model ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Drop Outs

One of the more recent drop-outs from the world's electoral club was the Philippines, a nation with a remarkably stable two-party system stretching, in the years since independence, over some twenty-five years. With the imposition of martial law in September 1972, the curtain was drawn, at least temporarily, on the longest running democracy in Southeast Asia. The purpose of this study is neither to praise nor bury the pre-1972 Philippine electoral system, but rather to look more closely at some recurring patterns which emerged during this period—patterns which, it will be argued, conform to a “machine model” of politics.

From Thaw to Deluge: Party System Collapse in Venezuela and Peru

2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry A. Dietz ◽  
David J. Myers
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Sequential Process ◽  
System Collapse ◽  
Personal Authority ◽  
Party System Institutionalization

AbstractWhat conditions facilitate party system collapse, the farthest-reaching variant of party system change? How does collapse occur? Numerous studies of lesser types of party system change exist, but studies of party system collapse are rare. This study draws on the existing literature and the cases of party system collapse in Venezuela (1988–2000) and Peru (1985–95) to advance some answers to the important questions about the phenomenon. The study posits three conditions that predispose political party systems to collapse: the presence of an acute or sustained crisis that questions the ability of system-sustaining political parties to govern; extremely low or extremely high levels of party system institutionalization; and the emergence of an anti-establishment figure with the desire and personal authority to generate a viable alternative to the established party system. The study also posits a three-election sequential process during which collapse takes place.

The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio Cabral Teehankee ◽  
Yuko Kasuya
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Midterm Elections

The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

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