The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio Cabral Teehankee ◽  
Yuko Kasuya
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Midterm Elections

The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

Legitimacy Decline and Party Decline

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudy B. Andeweg ◽  
David M. Farrell
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Party Decline ◽  
Possible Cause

This chapter discusses the decline of political parties as a possible cause of the decline of legitimacy. Political parties constitute a link between the citizens and the political system, and therefore a loss of support could delegitimize the political system. However, the decline of political parties can only cause legitimacy decline if they are indeed in decline and if there is a causal relationship between citizens’ involvement in political parties and political support. The chapter argues that empirical evidence for party decline is limited, as parties may have undergone transformation rather than decline. Using ESS data from 2002 to 2010, the chapter finds only weak relations between political support and party membership and party closeness. However, being close to a particular party is more important than being a member of a political party, and is interpreted as a sign that the party system facilitates citizens in making meaningful political choices.

Behavioral Correlates of Political Support

1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 454-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward N. Muller
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Behavioral Consequences ◽  
Action Type ◽  
Group Politics ◽  
Conventional Behavior

Theories of the behavioral consequences of political support coincide in the prediction that political support will correlate positively with indices of conventional behavior, negatively with indices of unconventional behavior. Survey data drawn from three communities in the Federal Republic of Germany show that an index of support for the structure of political authority is negatively correlated both with an index of actual participation in aggressive political behavior and with an index of participation in conventional electoral/pressure-group politics. Since the political behavior indices are themselves positively correlated, it is useful to construct a typology which differentiates between “pure” types – no participation, participation only in conventional, participation only in aggressive – and “mixed” types – participation in conventional and moderately aggressive, participation in conventional and highly aggressive. When the relationship between political support and the political-action type index is examined, it turns out that two of the types are associated with medium political support, while four of them occur at low support. To achieve more accurate explanation of types of political behavior, a model for prediction of each action type is proposed, taking into account interaction between political support, sense of personal political influence, and belief in the efficacy of past collective political aggression. The test of the model yields positive results, suggesting that it represents a fruitful beginning toward development of a theory of behavioral consequences of political support.

The Philippines in 2018: a Year of Disruption and Consolidation

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 100-123
Author(s):  
Arjan Aguirre
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Speaker Of The House ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
Philippine Politics

Abstract 2018 is a year of so much uneasiness and tension in Philippine politics. It saw one of the greatest crises in the Supreme Court, the bloodiest period in local politics of late, and successive attempts to silence critics of the president and the government. This year also witnessed major political alignments in the Duterte administration: a change in the leadership of the Senate, the election of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as Speaker of the House, the rivalry between Hugpong ng Pagbabago and Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas-Lakas ng Bayan, and the eventual termination of the alliance with the radical left. This review aims to understand these developments in Philippine politics. It seeks to know why are there so many rifts and shifts in the political rule of Duterte. These changes can be interpreted as part of an ongoing transition toward democratic regression under the Duterte regime. The disruptive events that ensued throughout the year should be understood as the offshoot of the extant efforts to alter the political status quo since the election of Duterte in 2016. The administration uses these events to consolidate its power by rallying its supporters for the 2019 midterm elections and reconfiguring the alignments within the Duterte bloc.

scholarly journals Contemporary Problems of Political Transformation in Modern Germany

2020 ◽  
pp. 700-716
Author(s):  
Andrii Kudriachenko ◽  
Viktoriia Soloshenko
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Post War

The article states that the political party system formed on the constitutional basis of the Basic Law of Germany is one of the key pillars of democracy of the German state. The Western German-style political party system, based on a substantial legal framework, political culture, and traditions, has convincingly proved its democratic spirit and viability over several decades of the post-war period. The effectiveness of this system was ensured by the presence of the two large parties, the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. The attractiveness of their policy priorities, broad political activity, and statist approaches made it possible to displace other, less influential, parties. The effectiveness and viability of the political party system of Germany are also proven by the course of the process of restoring the country’s state unity. The current period is characterised by systemic crisis phenomena, which have not spared German major parties. These processes are also taking place in other European countries, as previously stable parties transform over time into an idiosyncratic kind of political and technological institutions. For them, short-term success is a priority and is defined by the number of votes cast, rather than the focus on robust principles and visions of the future. However, it may be fair to claim that the whole previous experience testifies to the creativity of the political party system of post-war Germany, thus making the modern Federal Republic of Germany able to cope with contemporary problems and challenges. This is – and will be – buttressed by time and new approaches pursued by politicians, experts, and scholars as well as the previous practice of reaching compromises and social concord in the name of national interests. The political party system was and remains an important constituent of the entire state and political system of Germany. Keywords: political party system, Federal Republic of Germany, state system, Germany, Christian Democrats, Social Democrats.

scholarly journals The optimal size of a political party based on the Shapley-Shubik Power Index

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuuki Maruyama
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Power Index ◽  
The Political ◽  
Optimal Size ◽  
Party Size ◽  
The Relationship

Shapley-Shubik Power Index per person (SSPIPP) is defined as the ratio of a political party's Shapley-Shubik Power Index in Parliament to the number of people who voted for the party. SSPIPP can be regarded as the political power each of them has. This model reveals the relationship between the party size and SSPIPP and shows it in a graph. The graph is M-shaped and reveals the optimal party size that maximizes SSPIPP. According to this model, the more votes required to pass bills in Parliament, the smaller the optimal party size becomes. This model also predicts that in countries which require a supermajority vote to pass bills, party system fragmentation tends to last long.

Political parties and policy analysis in Colombia

2020 ◽  
pp. 241-256
Author(s):  
Sebastián Líppez-De Castro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Historical Trajectory

This chapter traces the development of the political party system in Colombia, focusing on characteristics related to their production or consumption of policy analysis. It stresses that political parties will not fully utilize policy analysis to guide their decisions and priorities, as long as clientelistic linkages prevail. It also mentions the third or nongovernmental sector, which is increasingly recognized as an important policy actor or potential policy actor in all countries. The chapter describes the historical trajectory of the Colombian party system, its make-up in the 21st century, and key institutional features affecting parties' use of policy analysis. It identifies some of the mechanisms through which 21st-century Colombian political parties produce or rely on policy analysis.

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