The Political Agent and Radical Democracy

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 837-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Parchev
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E Scheuerman

Radical democratic political theorists have used the concept of constituent power to sketch ambitious models of radical democracy, while many legal scholars deploy it to make sense of the political and legal dynamics of constitutional politics. Its growing popularity notwithstanding, I argue that the concept tends to impede a proper interpretation of civil disobedience, conceived as nonviolent, politically motivated lawbreaking evincing basic respect for law. Contemporary theorists who employ it cannot distinguish between civil disobedience and other related, yet ultimately different, modes of political illegality (e.g. conscientious objection, resistance, revolution). The essay also examines Jürgen Habermas’ recent contributions to a theory of mixed or dualistic (postnational) constituent power, conceding that Habermas avoids many theoretical and political ills plaguing competing radical democratic theoretical retrievals. Nonetheless, Habermas’ attempt to salvage the idea of constituent power as part of his reformist agenda for the European Union not only breaks with his earlier understandable skepticism about the idea but also risks trimming the admirably ambitious sails of his radical democratic interpretation of civil disobedience.


Pakistan ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 117-130
Author(s):  
Mariam Abou Zahab

This chapter discusses the change in the sociology and patterns of leadership in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) since the arrival of al-Qaeda in the area after 9/11. It focuses on South Waziristan which has become the hub of al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and the Uzbeks, among other foreign jihadis. The chapter argues that the Talibanization of Waziristan might be analyzed as the outcome of a social movement among the Wazir tribesmen which started in the 1970s and was accelerated in the post-9/11 context. It analyzes the emergence of “tribal entrepreneurs” who took advantage of the change in political opportunities and their access to resources in order to challenge the traditional tribal leadership. It also describes the movement of the kashars against the mashars and the Political Agent.


1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Natter

Taking her present essay as my point of departure, I elaborate key aspects of Chantal Mouffe's theorization of radical and plural democracy. In particular, I stress the importance of rearticulating hegemony, reason, and time and space for a theory of politics and the political commensurate with radical democracy.


Author(s):  
T. N. Zagorodnikova ◽  

From the very beginning of his adulthood Basil Oskarovitch von Klemm dreamed of the diplomatic career in the Orient. So he graduated from Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages and after that from Training Department for Oriental Languages affiliated to the Asiatic Department of Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In summer of 1885 he began working in that Department and after a year was send to Bukhara Emirate to work as an interpreter in Russian Imperial Political Agency. The article concentrates on the beginning of Basil Oskarovitch von Klemm’s service in Central Asia, when he studied the traditional life of the Emirate and of the Emir’s court, the details and peculiarities of Oriental diplomacy, as well as etiquette, being the dragoman of the Agency in Bukhara Emirate. He acted instead of the Political Agent, when the latter was absent. The Attachment to the article contains the Report of B. O. von Klemm, where he analyzes the highly charged political situation in Bukhara and gives his recommendations on the ways to stabilize it and to deal with the ruler of the Emirate in order to appease him. The document shows the difference between the views of Russian Empire towards her vassal state and the views of Great Britain towards India.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91
Author(s):  
David Haddorff

This article brings into dialogue Karl Barth and the political philosopher Chantal Mouffe. The purpose here is not to provide a detailed comparison, but to explore why Mouffe’s thought is relevant to the current political situation, which providesthe contemporary context for engaging Barth’s political theology. This argument involves: 1) a political analysis of the current political situation offered by Mouffe; 2) a particular interpretation of Barth’s political theology emerging from a trinitarian theological framework; 3) a comparison between the political thought of Mouffe and Barth emerging from Barth’s trinitarian political theology. This engagement is less concerned with critiquing Mouffe from a theological viewpoint, than positively demonstrating how Mouffe’s thought can be seen as a “secular parable” for a political theology in which trinitarian theology provides a framework. Central to this political theology are the ideas of equality, freedom, participation, and promise, which provide a theo-political framework for a radical democracy.


Author(s):  
Nigel Smith

This chapter investigates Marvell’s poetry in the context of three aspects of seventeenth-century European poetry and in light of Marvell’s own connections with the continental Europe of his lifetime, and his interest in European literature in Latin and the vernacular languages. The chapter argues that our understanding of Marvell is far better served by regarding his enterprises as poet, prose writer, and political agent as a part of the particular literary power relationships and the political role of literature that pertained in continental Europe, in many ways differing from English situations. Topics discussed include the patronage and veneration of European poets, the cross-lingual arenas of poetic contest in times of international conflict, and the broader significance of the appeal to Marvell of European poetry, exemplified in the case of the Spanish poet Luis de Góngora y Argote.


Populism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-119
Author(s):  
Irem Taşçıoğlu

Abstract Laclau’s theory on populism which is inseparable from his strategic endeavour to formulate a novel form of left-wing emancipatory politics has set off a variety of critiques, most notably from scholars who associate themselves with different strands of democratic theory. This paper picks out and uses Lefortian theory on democracy, utilizing it in order to figure out the different ways in which Laclau’s account could be construed and criticized. It argues that there are two possible interpretations of Lefort’s democratic theory with two different political implications, one liberal and the other radical-democratic and that they provide us with two different ways to formulate a critique of Laclauian populism. It particularly addresses the historical conjuncture from which Lefort’s democratic theory emerges and investigates how his ambiguous encounters with the intellectual milieu in France in the 70s, namely the ‘antitotalitarian moment’ undergird these two possible interpretations. This article’s elaboration on these two interpretations for addressing Laclau’s populism finalizes with a comparison between the political implications of the two and with a new proposal to invigorate counter-populism along the lines of Etienne Balibar as a (Lefortian) radical-democratic alternative to Laclau’s populism.


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