The political construction of the left-right divide: a comparative perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-334
Author(s):  
Alain Noël ◽  
Jean-Philippe Thérien ◽  
Émile Boucher
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Abstract Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.


Author(s):  
Daniel Schmidt ◽  
Michael Sturm

This chapter focuses on the manifestations and characteristics of right-wing terrorism in twentieth-century Europe, particularly on developments in Germany and Italy. When viewed from a comparative perspective, a central characteristic for right-wing terrorism is the Tatglaube, the faith in deeds. Although the worldview justifying such terrorism is grounded in racism, ethnocentrism, and nationalistic concepts of superiority, the decisive factor is violence as an end in itself, a violence that generally forgoes any justifying pattern of argument and strives to annihilate the enemy physically. The repertoire of actions taken and the formulized language of right-wing terrorism have remained largely unchanged throughout the twists and turns of twentieth-century history. Nevertheless, it is possible to differentiate various phases of right-wing terrorism, which were also influenced, in turn, by the political and societal environment. Despite the ethnocentric and nationalistic worldview from which this terrorism springs, it also becomes evident here that right-wing terrorism has always been marked by transnational influences, particularly since the end of the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This chapter begins by outlining the meaning of the classical in French cultural production since the seventeenth century as a way to situate neoclassicism in ballet with modernism itself. The situation of ballet differs from other arts in that neoclassicism cannot be considered a betrayal of modernism but actually furnishes the condition for modernization. This prompts the question of the political engagements of neoclassicism in dance given that it is often considered to be politically conservative. The growth of interest in folk dance and folk arts more generally in interwar France places the historical component in popular culture in a comparative perspective with neoclassicism. Serge Lifar’s position within the interwar dance field is sketched out and differing critical discourses on the neoclassical are introduced.


Author(s):  
Roman David ◽  
Ian Holliday

This chapter focuses on puzzling issues arising from the explorations undertaken in preceding chapters, and captures them in the notion of limited liberalism. It presents this concept as a critical analytical tool for understanding the nature of Myanmar’s transition. It opens by describing some contradictions that emerged from our exploration of Myanmar in reform, sets them in comparative perspective, and probes their limits or boundaries. It then devises the concept of limited liberalism, exposes its assumptions, and examines it as a property of the political culture of hybrid regimes. Finally, it returns to empirical study to investigate liberalism, illiberalism, and limited liberalism in our case. It concludes by using limited liberalism to chart the prospects for liberal democracy in Myanmar.


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