emerging powers
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2021 ◽  
pp. 6-8
Author(s):  
Yu Niao

National image is a clear information perception of a country in the international community, reecting a country's international inuence and comprehensive national power. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the dramatic changes in the international order and landscape. As a result, there is a widespread perception in the West that the current international order has not only encountered serious challenges from emerging powers but has also led to confusion in the perception of globalisation within the West. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the breadth and depth of attention paid to "China" in the German mainstream media have continued to rise. This study will further investigate how the image of China is constructed in cross-cultural media communication, based on the national image of China in German mainstream media coverage of China during the COVID-19 Pandemic and ideological analysis of the discursive contexts in which it is produced. This paper is basically structured as a review of the traditions and rules of the German press, an analysis of the operational characteristics of the German press industry under the COVID-19 pandemic, the social impact of German media coverage on China, and an analysis of this news production mechanism, followed by an analysis of the game between the Chinese and Western value systems and discourse power displayed by the German media during the COVID-19 pandemic, an analysis of the value orientation of the German media towards the construction of China's national image. This is followed by an academic exploration of the background and public opinion effects of the " China Phobia ". This paper also examines the changes in the social structure of Germany as a result of the pandemic, Sino-German and Sino-European relations in the context of the Sino-American conict, and the evolution of a sense of "sovereign Europe" and the current international order.


Author(s):  
Athar ud din

As the commercial use of outer space becomes feasible, the nature of possessory rights will potentially emerge as the central focus of future space-related activities. The existing international law relating to outer space does not address in detail the nature of possessory rights in outer space and is subject to multiple interpretations. Alarmingly, the recently adopted space policies and legislations by some States have taken a definitive position regarding commercial use of natural resources in outer space. In light of India’s increasing involvement in outer space, it circulated the Draft Space Activities Bill, 2017, to formulate a national space law. However, the nature of possessory rights in outer space is not addressed in detail in the Draft Space Activities Bill. This study states that on account of recent developments happening elsewhere, it is extremely important for emerging powers like India to take a position on broader issues like the nature of possessory rights in outer space (which includes celestial bodies as well as resources contained therein). Not addressing the issue of possessory rights in outer space could have profound implications at both domestic as well as international levels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (5) ◽  
pp. 1521-1540
Author(s):  
Aseema Sinha

Abstract The liberal trade order is in crisis. I argue that the origins of the current crises lie in the underlying tension which exists in the World Trade Organization (WTO), magnified by a churning in global power dynamics. A dilemma at the heart of the WTO between two important goals of representativeness and effectiveness means that both goals cannot be pursued at the same time. Now, this inherent tension is being magnified by power shifts in the global economy most evident in the rise of emerging powers within the WTO, who demand more representation, and the retreat by the US towards a more inward-looking orientation; both together damage effectiveness. Simultaneously, new powers such as China and India are defending a ‘reformed multilateralism’ combined with selective protectionism with varying capacity. These shifts are transforming previous ‘crises within institutions’ into a ‘crisis of institutions’ at the WTO, wherein the rules of the game, ideas of free trade and the legitimacy of the WTO are under threat. Global trade politics is seeing new coalitions at the WTO, as emerging powers craft their own rise, US defends sovereignty and trade protections, and launches a challenge to China's rise, and some established powers (the EU for example) seek to reform it. The new global trade politics is walking on two uneven legs and creating winners and losers and new ways of managing the transitional trading order as did the creation of the post-world war order.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110334
Author(s):  
Laura C Mahrenbach ◽  
Jürgen Pfeffer

As emerging powers forge ahead with big data initiatives, questions arise regarding the implications of these programs for governance in the Global South more broadly. One understudied aspect deals with how actors attribute legitimacy to governments’ big data activities. We explore actors’ agency in one crucial case: the world’s largest demographic and biometric data program, India’s Aadhaar. Analyzing roughly 250,000 tweets collected in the first 10 years of Aadhaar’s operation, we find that both normative acceptance and cost–benefit calculations are crucial for legitimacy attribution. This finding challenges mainstream theoretical approaches, which prioritize normative factors and often fail to examine how normative and material factors interact during legitimacy attribution. In addition, our study demonstrates a new, mixed-methods approach to measuring legitimacy attribution using Twitter data, which overcomes traditional challenges. As such, we underline the viability of Twitter data as a tool for social measurement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110294
Author(s):  
Francesco Petrone

This article analyses the role played by the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) countries within the context of the reform of international institutions, in primis the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In recent years, the new emerging powers, among which the BRICS occupy a central position, have instigated a paradigm shift in international relations and global governance (GG). Furthermore, some scholars argue that the BRICS could inaugurate a new world order. Since the United Nations (UN) is one of the institutions in which these changes need to be more broadly reflected due to its global projection, it is doubtful if the BRICS will be able to bring about its reform. In fact, several debates were conducted about the need to reform the UN and, in particular, the Security Council (SC). In order to do this, the article examines the interests of the BRICS countries, within the group itself, and their vision for the UNSC. Only a common vision within the group could have specific effects in reforming the UNSC, thus giving a new shape to GG, which may not be possible. There are several obstacles from within the BRICS itself in this regard, despite the fact that during their summits, they have repeatedly called for the UN reforms.


Author(s):  
V. N. Chernega

The article considers the state of the modern international system, in connection with which are disputed the affirmations concerning its multipolarity or the already emerging bipolarity, embodied by the United States and China. Neither the first nor the second definition is based on the concept of “pole”, as it was formed during the years of opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The current situation can rather be described as a “geopolitical disorder”. Traditional and emerging powers are fighting for a higher place in the new hierarchy, forging new alliances, often opportunistic, that predetermines the volatility and instability of the system. For States that are inferior in total national power to the United States or China, particularly for Russia, this creates new opportunities, especially in the framework of multilateral diplomacy. At the same time Russia, due to its economic weakness and the threat of a general technological backwardness, risks losing its status of power or, at least, being seriously squeezed by competitors. Hence the need for it to moderate its ambitions as a power and concentrate on implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. The predicted decrease for some time in the resources of the state, due to this, will also require to adapt its foreign policy priorities and to focus on vital national interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (06) ◽  
pp. 165-176
Author(s):  
Djamel Ben MERAR ◽  
Nassera MELLAH

This article examines Rising Powers: Patterns of Power Redistribution in Global Politics, by creating a reliable framework for understanding the increasing complexities of the actors in the international arena. This is by studying the concept of power, which is one of the basic concepts in political science, whereby force imposes its logic on the curves of international relations and has multiple forms due to its complex nature. In what can be considered dual roles and reciprocal interactions, and to understand the dimensions, manifestations and nature of the actors in the power equation, especially the emergence of tensions and conflicts between the interests of the United States of America and the emerging powers in the world in light of the new strategic directions after the Cold War and each party's attempt to dominate areas of influence and wealth Proceeding from a pragmatic geopolitical policy.


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