Populism and Polarization in Comparative Perspective: Constitutive, Spatial and Institutional Dimensions

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Abstract Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvon Grenier

In this paper, we deal with the distinction between two specific forms of political mobilization in Latin America, guerrilla and terrorism. First, we try to identify and discuss the main historical events in the evolution of guerrilla mobilization. We emphasize the socio-political profile and the ideological dispositions which are usually related to the guerrilla mobilization. Then, we examine the two phenomenons in a comparative perspective. We argue that guerrilla is a form of political mobilization that entails a fundamental change in the political competition (which involves an internal war), whereas terrorism, by its scope, its goals and its objectives, may only affect, to some extent, one or many policies of a given government. Finally, we propose two definitions of guerrilla and terrorism, followed by some additional commentaries on their theoretical limits.


Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Irene Fonte Zarabozo

In this study, I analyse an exceptional case of international political communication, in which the President of one nation writes directly to the people of another, outside the normal diplomatic channels. I study two missives addressed by Cuban President Fidel Castro to the Mexican people during a situation of conflict between their two countries. They take the form of letters published through the Mexican press. After analysing the context in which Castro’s letters appear, I examine the main discursive characteristics of the texts. The analysis includes speech acts, modality and the persons mentioned in the text. My findings reveal the political intent of these messages: to influence the Mexican political agenda, repositioning Cuba both with respect to the Mexican authorities and leftist politics in Latin America.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (6) ◽  
pp. 371-374
Author(s):  
Barry Eichengreen

AbstractPolitical polarization, meaning sharp differences in the political ideologies and preferences of the partisans of different parties, implies that members of one party are more likely to dismiss the policies and recommendations of spokesmen and appointees of the other party on the grounds that those policies and recommendations are informed by value systems inimical to their own. In the US, this means that when spokesmen for one party endorse masks, members of the other party reject them instinctively and automatically.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Deri

In this paper, I attempt to provide a comprehensive review of the evidence regarding the relationship between political polarization in the US and internet use. In the first part, I examine whether there has indeed been a rise in political polarization in the US in the last several decades. The remaining second and third parts deal with the relationship between polarization and internet use. I begin, in the second part, by reviewing evidence pertaining to the question of whether internet use plays a causal role in bringing about polarization. I then move, in the third part, to exploring the possible means by which internet use might bring about polarization. By analogy to cigarettes and cancer, the second part examines whether cigarette smoking causes cancer, while the third part examines how cigarette smoking causes (or might cause) cancer. One focus, in the third section, is on the most often discussed mechanism of internet-caused polarization: segregated information exposure, which corresponds to claims that polarization is driven by an internet ecosystem characterized by “echo chambers”, “filter bubbles”, and otherwise partisan information consumption and dissemination.The brief summary for each of the three parts is this. First, there is evidence that polarization has been on the rise in the U.S. in the recent decades—but it depends what you measure. When comparing Republican and Democrats, there is strongest evidence for increases in affective polarization and policy-based polarization. Second, most analyses would marshal against a version of reality where the rise in the political polarization in recent decades is mostly accounted for by the dramatic rise in internet use over this same time period. However, one notable, well-conducted, large-scale randomized direct intervention study confirms that de-activating a social media account (Facebook) resulted in significant and non-trivially sized decreases in polarization, specifically related to political opinions and policy preferences (Allcott, Braghieri, Eichmeyer, & Gentzkow, 2019). Finally, the evidence is murkiest regarding how internet use might drive polarization. With regard to polarization via segregated information exposure, claims that partisans inhabit wildly segregated “echo chambers” or “filter bubbles” are largely overstated. Nevertheless, there are significant and meaningful differences in the political content that partisans of different political orientations consume online, comparable to the degree of segregation in national print newspaper readership. Causal evidence linking this differential exposure to political polarization is not as strong as evidence that differential exposure exists. Evidence for other mechanisms of polarization is suggestive but awaits strong empirical confirmation.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 621-628
Author(s):  
Ayaz Ali Shah ◽  
Shaukat ◽  
Hina Malik

The issue of climate change is not of the recent past. However, it was late in the nineteenth century in the US that the phenomenon was defined and framed as an issue of public interest by those who say it mattered. The reason was the occurrence of indicators such as a rise in earth temperature and prolonged summer season. The mass displacement of people from their places of inhibits and damages to their properties forced the government to take the issue seriously. A change in the administration in the federal capital, along with pressure from civil society and demand from various groups to resolve the issue of climate change, proved to be something that ultimately led to the resolution of the issue and taken seriously by the government of the day. While answering the question of how the issue of climate change made its way to the agenda-setting stage of policymaking, Jhon Kingdon model of agendasetting has been applied, which is more relevant and acceptable in terms of conceptual logics and the issue at hand.


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