The autonomy of sports: negotiating boundaries between sports governance and government policy in the Danish welfare state

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lone Friis Thing ◽  
Laila Ottesen
1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Edwards

ABSTRACTThe welfare state is but the vehicle for the provision of welfare and the latter does not necessarily entail the former. Much recent debate occasioned by government policy and rhetoric has therefore confused means and ends. This paper argues that a defence of welfare must come before a concern for protecting the welfare state. A number of foundations for guaranteed welfare provision, including justice, rights and contract are considered but the most persuasive foundation for welfare as need-meeting is found to lie in the Kantian categorical imperatives. Not only do these provide a moral prescription that welfare ought to be provided, they also dictate the ways in which it ought to be provided. It is against these requirements therefore that the necessity of a welfare state as a means of providing welfare can be tested. The second part of the paper then considers how extensive a welfare state needs to be, and how the boundaries between the public and private domains in the provision of welfare may be drawn. The equality principle, allied to the notion of equality of welfare, is found to be a useful instrument in determining the bounds of the public domain but only (so the paper concludes reluctantly) when harnessed to objective specifications of need.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Gough

The article considers three major non-Marxist explanations of the modern welfare state: functionalist sociological theories, economic theories of government policy, and pluralist theories of democracy. Each is subjected to a critique and all are found wanting, in that none can satisfactorily explain the observable similarities and differences in state welfare intervention within advanced capitalist countries. Functionalist theories can explain the dominant trends at work within all countries, but not the immense diversity in state policies which still persists. Economic and pluralist theories can explain the diversity but not the determinant trends. This failing is related to the separation of objective and subjective aspects in historical explanation: the first school objectifies history, the second subjectifies it. The article concludes by asserting, but not arguing, that a Marxist approach offers a more fruitful way of understanding the welfare state, insofar as it rejects this separation.


Author(s):  
Imas Novita Juaningsih ◽  
Yoshua Consuello ◽  
Ahmad Tarmidzi ◽  
Dzakwan NurIrfan

AbstractHealth insurance to the community has been manifested in the constitution of the Indonesian state. With this guarantee, the Indonesian people can have the same rights before the law for the welfare of their people. In responding to the existence of the COVID-19 pandemic that has surrounded the world, one of them is Indonesia. Besides, the problem that occurs due to COVID-19 is that the coordination between the central and regional levels is not optimal which results in the spread of the COVID-19 virus in Indonesia. The foundation of the theory that I use is the theory of justice and the welfare state. Then the method used is juridical normative namely the method with the positivist legist approach with the law approach and comparative approach. So the need for policies that the government can provide so that COVID-19 can be resolved optimally.Keyword: COVID-19, Government Policy, Justice


1986 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Le Grand ◽  
David Winter

ABSTRACTThe Conservative Government elected in Britain in 1979 wished to change the extent and pattern of government expenditure. We use econometric techniques to investigate whether it did so in the period up to 1984, concentrating attention on the welfare state. We also test the hypothesis that the observed changes favoured the middle classes. After discussing the channels by which the middle classes influence government policy, a model of government behaviour is outlined. The theoretical model indicates the forms of specification error that we might expect in our econometric results, which, in turn, suggest that the Conservatives tended to favour the middle classes, while the previous Labour administrations did not. However, the estimates for the Labour period appear to be misspecified, but those for the Conservative period survived tests of misspecification.


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