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2021 ◽  
pp. 28-60
Author(s):  
Roy D. King ◽  
Lucy Willmott

2021 ◽  
pp. 147-196
Author(s):  
Roy D. King ◽  
Lucy Willmott

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-181
Author(s):  
Melin Levent Yuna

How has Argentine tango dance, that appears to represent publicly an erotic relationship between the female and the male, found the space to expand in Turkey pioneered by urban Istanbul despite the conservative JDP regime? While the tango dance shifted to a global entertainment and culture industry in the 21st century providing global belongingness, it locally became one neoliberal semi-public space of secular upper and middle class Turkish Muslims to reflect and reproduce their self-identity by distinguishing themselves from new Islamic bourgeoisie as well as lower social classes. This character provided the grounds for its spread even under the conservative government of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and it is still on practice despite such a conservative rule, even existing online during the Covid-19 Pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shem Curtis

<div>This Major Research Paper conducted analysis of social housing policies and regulations in Ontario from 1993 to present. It was done to unearth the dominant discourses that informed social housing policies. Through a review of the Literature, a broader perspective will be had on social housing as well as social assistance, of which is deeply intertwined with social housing. The lack of a national strategy on social housing has caused Toronto to adopt a more entrepreneurial approach to housing, using public private partnerships, social mix revitalization initiatives, and other market and third sector influenced development mechanisms.</div><div><br></div><div>Social policy has been neoliberalized in Ontario at least since the advent of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’ in 1995, when a Conservative government was elected on a platform of neoliberal reform. Since then social housing has not been given the priority it deserves even with the changing of government and promises to address the lack of affordable housing in Toronto. These findings highlight difficulties on the part of Toronto to develop new affordable housing at a time when the city continues to grow and demand for housing is increasing. The visibility of homelessness across the city suggest policy failures and a need to act, to address the problem of lack of affordable housing post haste.</div>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doris Lovadina-Lee

<div>This Major Research Paper conducted analysis of social housing policies and regulations in Ontario from 1993 to present. It was done to unearth the dominant discourses that informed social housing policies. Through a review of the Literature, a broader perspective will be had on social housing as well as social assistance, of which is deeply intertwined with social housing. The lack of a national strategy on social housing has caused Toronto to adopt a more entrepreneurial approach to housing, using public private partnerships, social mix revitalization initiatives, and other market and third sector influenced development mechanisms.</div><div><br></div><div>Social policy has been neoliberalized in Ontario at least since the advent of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’ in 1995, when a Conservative government was elected on a platform of neoliberal reform. Since then social housing has not been given the priority it deserves even with the changing of government and promises to address the lack of affordable housing in Toronto. These findings highlight difficulties on the part of Toronto to develop new affordable housing at</div><div>a time when the city continues to grow and demand for housing is increasing. The visibility of homelessness across the city suggest policy failures and a need to act, to address the problem of lack of affordable housing post haste.</div>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doris Lovadina-Lee

<div>This Major Research Paper conducted analysis of social housing policies and regulations in Ontario from 1993 to present. It was done to unearth the dominant discourses that informed social housing policies. Through a review of the Literature, a broader perspective will be had on social housing as well as social assistance, of which is deeply intertwined with social housing. The lack of a national strategy on social housing has caused Toronto to adopt a more entrepreneurial approach to housing, using public private partnerships, social mix revitalization initiatives, and other market and third sector influenced development mechanisms.</div><div><br></div><div>Social policy has been neoliberalized in Ontario at least since the advent of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’ in 1995, when a Conservative government was elected on a platform of neoliberal reform. Since then social housing has not been given the priority it deserves even with the changing of government and promises to address the lack of affordable housing in Toronto. These findings highlight difficulties on the part of Toronto to develop new affordable housing at</div><div>a time when the city continues to grow and demand for housing is increasing. The visibility of homelessness across the city suggest policy failures and a need to act, to address the problem of lack of affordable housing post haste.</div>


Significance Trudeau’s gamble in calling a federal election on his pandemic record two years earlier than necessary has raised the possibility of a change of government, as the Conservatives widen their appeal with a centrist stance. The campaign has already been defined by an unusual degree of bitterness. Impacts If the Conservatives maintain their lead, progressive Canadians will vote tactically to strengthen the Liberals. A centre-right Conservative government is unlikely to produce a dramatic shift in policy direction for the country. A Conservative government supported by the Bloc Quebecois will see Quebec solidify and augment its provincial autonomy. If Trudeau is defeated, his replacement as party leader is likely to be Chrystia Freeland, his most impressive Liberal rival.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart James Turnbull-Dugarte

Snap elections, those triggered by incumbents in advance of their original date in the electoral calendar, are a common feature of parliamentary democracies. In this paper we ask: do snap elections influence citizens' trust in the government? Theoretically, we argue that providing citizens with an additional means of endorsing or rejecting the incumbent - giving voters a chance to ''have their say'' - can be interpreted by citizens as normatively desirable and demonstrative of the incumbents desire to legitimise their agenda by (re)-invigorating their political mandate. Leveraging the quasi-experimental setting provided by the coincidental timing of the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May's, shock announcement of early elections in April 2017 with the fieldwork for the Eurobarometer survey, we demonstrate that the announcement of snap elections has a sizeable and significant positive effect on political trust. These, on average, positive effects, however, mask asymmetric responses among citizens. Whilst eurosceptics and voters on the right of the ideological spectrum - those most inclined to support the incumbent May-led Conservative government - became more trusting, no such changes in trust were observed amongst left-wing or non-eurosceptic respondents. Our study advances the understanding of a relatively understudied yet not uncommon political phenomenon, providing causal evidence that snap elections have implications for political trust.


Author(s):  
Ravinder Sandhu ◽  
Guneet Saini ◽  
Elizabeth Alvarez

Objective: This paper examines policy decisions regarding public or private retail models chosen for the recreational use of cannabis in the provinces of Ontario, Saskatchewan and Quebec to demonstrate the application of the 3I+E framework for policy analysis. Methods: The 3I+E framework includes considerations of institutions, interests, ideas and external factors that play a role in adopting a particular policy. A retrospective comparative approach using this framework was conducted. Relevant newspaper articles, press releases, consultation reports and primary policy papers were reviewed. Results: Ontario employed a mixed model for the sale of cannabis while Saskatchewan chose to fully privatize cannabis retail within the province and Quebec decided to sell through the public sector. Government institutions, particularly the party in power and the number of seats they hold, as well as existing policy legacies for alcohol retail, appeared to have a strong ability to influence policy decisions in all three jurisdictions. Interest groups, including municipal and labor unions and private cannabis companies had a limited role in swaying government decisions toward a particular model. Beliefs and values of citizens regarding cannabis retail did not appear to play a large role. In Ontario particularly, an external factor, namely a major political shift towards a conservative government had a large role in the mixed model chosen in the jurisdiction. Conclusion: Overall, the policy decision for cannabis retail is multifactorial and the interaction between stakeholders and interest groups with the government influences which model was ultimately chosen in each jurisdiction.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of 1964, 1966, and 1970. The first contest ended thirteen years of Conservative government, although Labour secured an overall majority of just four seats. The 1966 election resulted in a comfortable victory for Labour, which was expected to win again in 1970. Instead, the Conservatives confounded the opinion polls and returned to office. In each case relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also sets out the contemporary explanation of party choice in Britain offered by the influential work of Butler and Stokes which stressed the primary roles of class and party identification.


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