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Emik ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-174
Author(s):  
Lula Asri Octafia

The current Covid-19 pandemic has had an impact on the political, economic, social, cultural, defense and security aspects as well as the welfare of the Indonesian people. Therefore, effective fast steps are needed to break the chain of the spread of Covid-19. One way to prevent transmission of this virus is through vaccination efforts. While the existing literature focuses more on State policies, public responses related to the effectiveness and safety of vaccines, as well as hoax news related to vaccines, the related literature on vaccines and the choice of vaccine if any is still very limited, this article fills that gap. This qualitative research was carried out in Makassar, considering that Makassar is one of the metropolitan cities and many of its people has been vaccinated through Covid-19 vaccination programs. Data was collected using in-depth interview. Informants who participated in this study were people who had and had not carried out the Covid-19 vaccination. With a total of twenty-five people, they vary on the basis of age (between 18 and 29 years), sex (18 women and 7 men), and employment status (ten of them are students, employees, online shop owners, editors, musicians, painters, work odd jobs, and labor). The results show that the emergence of the Covid-19 vaccine has become the subject of public debate, many agreed and not a few refused to be vaccinated. This debate is due to differences in perceptions regarding the definition of the Covid-19 vaccine and the benefits of the vaccine itself. In terms of what type of vacciness they are used, there are three types of vaccines that are popularly used by our participants in this study, namely Sinovac, Astra Zeneca, and Moderna. Apart from the debate about the level of efficacy of each vaccine, the choice of vaccine is related to the level of efficacy, side effects and availability of the vaccine itself. It is argued in this article that whatever the effect of a particular vaccine, as long as the side effect is balanced by its efficacy, then the effect is not an issue.


Author(s):  
Andreas Guidi

Abstract Student unrest under Italian rule in Rhodes reveals youth's contribution to the transformation of Mediterranean politics in the 20th century. A condition of possibility for this unrest was the precolonial infrastructure of Rhodes, where new schools emerged in the last decades of Ottoman rule. During the Italian military occupation (1912–23), schools reflected identifications such as Ottoman patriotism and Greek irredentism. Student activism expanded beyond school issues and intersected with Italy's uncertain attitude concerning Rhodes's future, the warfare ravaging the Eastern Mediterranean, and the unmaking of Ottoman authority. Italian governors considered youth politicization to be influenced by elder politicians and limited to communal factionalism. After a decade of reforms under Italian sovereignty following the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), unrest reappeared in the 1930s. Students sympathized with ideas like pro-fascist Zionism and anticolonial Greek nationalism. They addressed issues of loyalty and belonging linked to Italian rule's dilemmas of fascist assimilation and colonial separation. Contrary to the 1910s, the authorities repressed student unrest and admitted that youth politicization was autonomous from the influence of the elders, conflicting with the fascist colonial order. Discussing student activism during this imperial transformation goes beyond narratives centered on state policies or one exclusive confessional group, highlighting interconnections between communal affairs, colonial governance, and regional geopolitics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Brännmark

Abstract Many contemporary defenders of paternalist interventions favor a version of paternalism focused on how people often choose the wrong means given their own ends. This idea is typically justified by empirical results in psychology and behavioral economics. To the extent that paternalist interventions can then target the promotion of goals that can be said to be our own, such interventions are prima facie less problematic. One version of this argument starts from the idea that it is meaningful to ascribe to us preferences that we would have if were fully rational, informed and in control over our actions. It is argued here, however, that the very body of empirical results that means paternalists typically rely on also undermines this idea as a robust enough notion. A more modest approach to paternalist interventions, on which such policies are understood as enmeshed with welfare-state policies promoting certain primary goods, is then proposed instead.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. e0261115
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Eisenberg ◽  
Alexander McCourt ◽  
Elizabeth A. Stuart ◽  
Lainie Rutkow ◽  
Kayla N. Tormohlen ◽  
...  

Background The United States is experiencing a drug addiction and overdose crisis, made worse by the COVID-19 pandemic. Relative to other types of health services, addiction treatment and overdose prevention services are particularly vulnerable to disaster-related disruptions for multiple reasons including fragmentation from the general medical system and stigma, which may lead decisionmakers and providers to de-prioritize these services during disasters. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. states implemented multiple policies designed to mitigate disruptions to addiction treatment and overdose prevention services, for example policies expanding access to addiction treatment delivered via telehealth and policies designed to support continuity of naloxone distribution programs. There is limited evidence on the effects of these policies on addiction treatment and overdose. This evidence is needed to inform state policy design in future disasters, as well as to inform decisions regarding whether to sustain these policies post-pandemic. Methods The overall study uses a concurrent-embedded design. Aims 1–2 use difference-in-differences analyses of large-scale observational databases to examine how state policies designed to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on health services delivery influenced addiction treatment delivery and overdose during the pandemic. Aim 3 uses a qualitative embedded multiple case study approach, in which we characterize local implementation of the state policies of interest; most public health disaster policies are enacted at the state level but implemented at the local level by healthcare systems and local public health authorities. Discussion Triangulation of results across methods will yield robust understanding of whether and how state disaster-response policies influenced drug addiction treatment and overdose during the COVID-19 pandemic. Results will inform policy enactment and implementation in future public health disasters. Results will also inform decisions about whether to sustain COVID-19 pandemic-related changes to policies governing delivery addiction and overdose prevention services long-term.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Jessica Hambly

Abstract Attempts by states to deter refugee movement have evolved to a point that routine and systematic breach of non-refoulement and associated human rights frequently constitutes a central pillar in their asylum architectures. The expansion of state policies and practices under which people seeking asylum are prevented from reaching safe places and lodging asylum claims has accelerated during the Covid-19 pandemic. Drawing on examples from Australia and Europe, this article uses neo-refoulement—a concept introduced by geographers Jennifer Hyndman and Alison Mountz—to signal not only the rise in pushbacks at land and sea borders, but also practices that occur well within the boundaries of sovereign territory. These include the use of island incarceration, fast-track border procedures, and denial of legal presence on sovereign territory, even where physical presence is achieved. Such measures have often been introduced under the pretext of responding to situations of ‘mass influx’. And yet, far from providing an adequate response to a so-called ‘refugee crisis’, they serve only to facilitate a greater humanitarian crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109232
Author(s):  
Bradley D. Stein ◽  
Flora Sheng ◽  
Erin A. Taylor ◽  
Andrew W. Dick ◽  
Mark Sorbero ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-102
Author(s):  
Eva Fodor

AbstractThis chapter is about foster parents and their work. Recent changes in the regulation of foster care illustrate the formation and operation of a carefare regime: the transformation of state policies and services and the integration of foster parents into the “deserving” female working and caring underclass. Relying on two years of participant observations and interviews with foster parents, experts, guardians, social workers and foster parent agency personnel, I describe the highly skilled care work most foster parents provide in demanding circumstances for a practically endless number of work hours. I explain how their status has been transformed from being volunteers to being contracted employees who work in increasingly precarious circumstances for extremely low wages. I argue that sentimentalization of care work is used by policy makers to discipline foster mothers into accepting the new terms of their relationship and by foster parents too to rationalize their compliance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-357
Author(s):  
Claire Dunn ◽  
Isabel Laterzo

In Brazil and Mexico, presidents failed to take swift, national action to stop the spread of COVID-19. Instead, the burden of imposing and enforcing public health measures has largely fallen to subnational leaders, resulting in varied approaches within each country and conflicting messaging from elites. We likewise see variation in compliance with social distancing across subnational units. To explain this variation, we contend that citizen responses are driven both by the comprehensiveness of state policies and whether they take cues from national or subnational elites. We hypothesize that support for national and subnational elites, and the nature of the state-level policy response, affect citizen compliance with public health guidelines. In both countries, we find that support for the governor has an interactive relationship with policy response. In Brazil, support for the president is associated with lower compliance. In Mexico, this effect is not present. We argue that these distinct relationships are due to the different cues emerging from each leader.


Author(s):  
Mai Hassan ◽  
Daniel Mattingly ◽  
Elizabeth R. Nugent

Political leaders use different tactics to ensure widespread compliance with state policies and to minimize resistance. Scholarship tends to treat different tactics individually, suggesting fundamental dissimilarities in underpinning logic and goals. We introduce political control as a concept that unifies these different tactics within a single framework and demonstrate the analytical utility of considering seemingly disparate strategies in conversation rather than in isolation. We synthesize a growing recent literature on political control, including innovative approaches to repression as well as studies of indoctrination, distribution, and infiltration. We argue that tactics of political control can be understood to vary along two primary dimensions: the level of violence and the materiality of rewards. We highlight recent inquiry into the downstream effects of political control. We conclude with a call for more research on political control that considers combinations of different tactics, across regime types, in a world where tolerance of violent repression is diminishing. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 25 is May 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.


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