Industrial Relations in the Progressive Era: The United States and Great Britain

1984 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-116
Author(s):  
Robin L. Einhorn
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-416
Author(s):  
Adolf Sturmthol

The Author first describes the « contradictory values » which surround collective bargaining and industrial peace, going through a brief analysis of various industrial relations theories: those of Market, Government and Union Participation in Management. He then goes on to distinguish between various manifestations of industrial conflicts—one of which being the strike, which is not necessarily a symptom of « unhealthy » industrial relations. The Author states that government intervention in conflicts of interests must be the exception and must have their justification in each case. He founds his thesis on the on-the-spot study of numerous data collected from the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and, Sweden.


Legal Studies ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-212
Author(s):  
Richard Townshend-Smith

It is well known that the United States of America has had a mechanism designed to secure the compulsory recognition of trade unions by law since the mid-thirties. Such procedure is part of the bedrock of American labour law. In Great Britain, however, no attempt at compulsion was made until 1971, when the Industrial Relations Act was passed. This Act was repealed three years later, although the operation of the recognition provisions hardly contributed to the factors leading to repeal. Another attempt at compulsion was made by the 1975 Employment Protection Act. However, the relevant sections have now been repealed by the 1980 Employment Act. Furthermore this repeal had at least some support both from the Labour opposition and from the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service, the statutory body charged with operating the procedure.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Hochfelder

This article places the British and American postal telegraph movements in the broader context of a transatlantic reform tradition. More specifically, British nationalization in 1870 gave American reformers both a rallying point and a rationale for postalizing the telegraphs. The legacies of both movements were mixed. In Britain, the postal telegraph provided inexpensive and accessible service, but it soon ran a large deficit and retarded the development of the telephone industry. In the United States, reformers failed to nationalize the telegraph or to secure a place in historical memory, but they succeeded in pressuring Western Union to provide better service, and they provided the impetus for the municipal ownership movement of the Progressive Era.


Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Ivo Engels

The so-called “long 19th century”, from the French Revolution to the First World War, ranks as the crucial phase in the genesis of the modern world. In the Western countries this period was characterized by the differentiation of the public and the private spheres, the birth of the modern bureaucratic state and the delegitimation of early modern practices such as clientelism and patronage. All these fundamental changes are, among other things, usually considered important preconditions for the modern perception of corruption.This paper will concentrate on this crucial phase by means of a comparative analysis of debates in France, Great Britain and the United States, with the aim to elucidate the motives for major anti-corruption movements. The questions are: who fights against corruption and what are the reasons for doing so? I will argue that these concerns were often very different and sometimes accidental. Furthermore, an analysis of political corruption may reveal differences between the political cultures in the countries in question. Thus, the history of corruption serves as a sensor which enables a specific perspective on politics. By taking this question as a starting point the focus is narrowed to political corruption and the debates about corruption, while petty bribery on the part of minor civilservants, as well as the actual practice in the case of extensive political corruption, is left aside.


Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

This is a book about terrorism, weapons, and diplomacy in the interwar years between the First and Second World Wars. It charts the convergence of the manufacture and trade of arms; diplomacy among the Great Powers and the domestic politics within them; the rise of national liberation and independence movements; and the burgeoning concept and early institutions of international counterterrorism. Key themes include: a transformation in meaning and practice of terrorism; the inability of Great Powers—namely, Great Britain, the United States, France—to harmonize perceptions of interest and the pursuit of common interests; the establishment of the tools and infrastructure of modern intelligence—including the U.S.-U.K. cooperation that would evolve into the Five Eyes intelligence alliance; and the nature of peacetime in the absence of major wars. Particular emphasis is given to British attempts to quell revolutionary nationalist movements in India and elsewhere in its empire, and to the Great Powers’ combined efforts to counter the activities of the Communist International. The facilitating roles of the Paris Peace Conference and League of Nations are explored here, in the context of the Arms Traffic Convention of 1919, the Arms Traffic Conference of 1925, and the 1937 Terrorism Convention.


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