THE FINANCE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN ENGLAND AND WALES SINCE 1948: Part II

1959 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
ALAN WILLIAMS
1895 ◽  
Vol 41 (175) ◽  
pp. 640-645
Author(s):  
G. E. Shuttleworth

My apology for bringing forward this subject at the present time is that considerable interest with regard to it has recently been evidenced by correspondence and comments in the medical journals, as well as by inquiries set on foot by the Lunacy Commissioners and the Local Government Board. The former have published in their 49th Annual Report, just issued, a “Return showing the Number of Pauper Idiot, Imbecile, and Epileptic Children in the Asylums, etc., on 1st September, 1894,”† and a return of similar character as to such children in workhouses has been issued by the latter. The upshot of the whole matter is that, according to these returns, there are in lunatic asylums 525 children of this class (335 males, 190 females), and in workhouses 485 (281 males, 204 females). The latter number includes, however, 93 children returned as “epileptic only,” so that of idiots and imbeciles in workhouses under 16 years of age there are but 392. Adding together those in lunatic asylums and in workhouses we find that a total of 917 youthful idiots and imbeciles are provided for by the Poor Law in these institutions. The Local Government Board return, however, gives us no information as to the large number of such children living with poor parents who receive on their behalf some parochial relief. In the Commissioners' return the children are classified as idiots and imbeciles respectively, 399 in the former, 126 in the latter class; and 154 are said to be in the opinion of the medical officers likely to be improved by special training. In the Local Government Board return the children are classified as “imbecile only,” “epileptic only,” and “both imbecile and epileptic;” and the number of children who, in the opinion of their medical officers, would be likely to be improved by special training is set down as 178. Consequently if we are guided solely by these returns we should be led to the conclusion that in England and Wales—excluding the Metropolitan district, for which separate arrangements exist—there are no more than 332 improvable pauper idiots and imbeciles under 16 years of age remaining to be provided for in addition to the 225 paupers already accommodated in voluntary institutions for the training of imbecile children. Indeed, deducting 52 now resident in the special idiot block of the Northampton County Asylum, there remain but 280, a number insufficient to fill a decent-sized special institution!


2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Brown

AbstractIn 1925, Alexander Paterson, a Commissioner for Prisons in England and Wales, arrived in Rangoon to advise the local government on gaol conditions in Burma. This paper explores why the Burma prison administration invited Paterson, examines his findings and proposals – that included the suggestion that no convict should spend more than two years in gaol – and considers the fate of his recommendations. Paterson's visit and views are set in the social and political contexts of British rule in Burma at that time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Buchan ◽  
Katrina Morrison

Community Justice Authorities (CJAs) were heralded on their inception as modernizing Scotland’s community justice system and resolving longstanding tensions between central and local government over community justice control, by encouraging partnership working and providing oversight at a regional level. However, they were largely unsuccessful and were quietly abolished barely a decade later. Using data from two projects, we analyse the policy ‘narrative’ of CJAs in relation to features of a changing political context – particularly the (re-)establishment of Scotland’s national government, its shifting relationship with local government and policy convergence and divergence with England and Wales. CJAs’ origins in local/national compromise created constitutional flaws which constrained their operation and ultimately sealed their fate, but they nonetheless began to develop distinct identities and contributions which have been largely overlooked. The case of CJAs illustrates how evolving local and national political contexts shape the development of justice institutions.


1971 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl H. E. Zangerl

“The revolution is made,” the Duke of Wellington declared in 1833, “that is to say power is transferred from one class in society, the gentlemen of England professing the faith of the Church of England, to another class of society, the shopkeepers being dissenters from the Church, many of them being Socinians, others atheists.” Wellington's political postmortem was, to say the least, premature. The gentlemen of England and Wales continued to prosper, especially in the counties. In fact, most local government historians have argued that the landed classes virtually monopolized the administration of county affairs before 1888 when county government was institutionally restructured by the County Councils Act. The instrument of their control was the county magistracy acting in Quarter and Petty Sessions. K. B. Smellie, expressing a widely-held viewpoint, describes the county magistracy in the nineteenth century as the “rear guard of an agrarian oligarchy,” the “most aristocratic feature of English government.” Yet no one has furnished statistical evidence for this contention on a countrywide basis or for an extended time span. Is the notion of an aristocratic stranglehold over the counties really more impressionistic than substantive? By examining the “Returns of Justices of the Peace” between 1831 and 1887 in the British Parliamentary Papers, a nearly untapped statistical storehouse, it is possible to determine the degree of continuity in the social composition of the county magistracy.Before doing so, it might be helpful to sketch the changing character of the Quarter Sessions.


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