Problems of Power in a Plural Society: Asians in Kenya

1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna Nelson
Keyword(s):  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-233
Author(s):  
Iis Arifudin

Indonesian nation consist of many kind of culture, ethnic, race, religion, etc. At one side that diversity is a treasure of Indonesian, but at other side it triggers social conflict. Conflict that happens about three decade of New Order power is because our education always teaching similarity (uniformity) and averse plurality. Therefore, this paper suggested multicultural education as solution to this problem. Multicultural education has to be implemented on learning process at school. It not necessarily became separated lesson, but can integrated to every lesson . Multicultural education is a process to cultivating attitude to respect each other, honest, and tolerant to cultural diversity that exit on the plural society. With multicultural education we hope there’s toughness and flexibility of this nation to face the clash of social conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-104
Author(s):  
Halima Krausen

In our plural society, interfaith marriages and multicultural families have become a new normal and are either considered problematic for the religious communities or welcomed as a contribution to a secular and more peaceful world. In the course of my work with European Muslims, I could accompany such families through a few generations. In this article, I am going to outline some typical challenges and crises in such relationships and their effects on young people growing up in mixed families, adding my observations of how they can be dealt with. Ultimately, there is a chance that, through dialogue, it provides a meaningful learning environment that prepares young people for the diverse reality of the world today.


Edupedia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-83
Author(s):  
Ahmad Dahri

The real purpose of education is humanizing human beings. The most prominent thing in humanity is diversity, plurality or multiculturality. Indonesia is a country consisting of a plural society. This should be realized by all individuals in this nusantara society. Providing awareness of the existence of mulitikulturalitas or pluralism can be pursued in the educational process. For the sake of this interest, then in the educational process there must be some kind of integralization effort between forming the intellect and morality of learners. The function of integralization of moral and intellectual education is to know more about diversity then combine with knowledge and practice with morality then achieve the purposes of national education. The conclusions or findings of Freire’s and Ki Hadjar Dewantara’s analysis approach are the absence of differences in the educational portion, the absence of social classes as the limits of education, and the educator has a role as teacher not only as a facilitator but also as a identifierin diversity and be honest about the history, there is a link between learners and educators, mutual understanding, learners receive teaching, and educators learn to understand learners, and this function is summarized in education for freedom and ing ngarsho sung tuladha, ing madyo mangun karsha, tut wur handayani.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 356-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Harding

Malaysia has a classically plural society with a Malay/ Muslim majority and a legal system which, for historical reasons, is bifurcated between the common law and Islamic law. It also has a colonial-era federal constitution under which Islam is a state issue. Disputes concerning religion are both many and divisive. They are dealt with mainly in constitutional terms, especially in debates about the notion of an Islamic state, in light of Article 3 and the enshrinement of an official religion and in litigation. The latter is rendered complex by the separation of Islamic from common law jurisdiction in 1988, a fact that has given rise to highly sensitive and troubling litigation involving, especially, religious conversion in Lina Joy (2007). This article traces historical developments relating to religion and the law, and finds cause for some optimism that religious divides can be bridged by constitutional means, in light of recent judicial responses and evolving debates about the constitutional position of Islam.


1998 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Mendus

THE QUESTION OF WHETHER MORAL VALUES CAN OR SHOULD BE taught has caused controversy and divided opinion almost since the beginning of time, and certainly since the very earliest days of philosophy. As is well-known, Socrates was condemned to death on charges of impiety and of corrupting the minds of the Athenian youth. Although the latter accusation was never fully spelled out, it was certainly connected with the perceived moral subversiveness of his philosophy and, in particular, with his denial that those who purported to teach moral values were qualified to do any such thing. This denial was construed by many as dangerous and as an attack on the moral foundations of Athenian society for which, famously, Socrates paid a high price.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Boo Teik Khoo

AbstractMalaysian politics has been turbulent over the past two decades, as seen in the damaged tradition of leadership transition, non-violent revolts against successive regimes, and unstable realignments of opposing forces. Two startling symptoms point to disorder. One is the heavy electoral losses and loss of legitimacy suffered by the post-Mahathir regimes. The other is the political re-entry of Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad. The persisting turbulence raises certain questions. Why has the ruling party, the United Malays National Organization, been susceptible to internal fighting, being at once a source of hegemonic stability and systemic instability? Why has the apex of the United Malays National Organization repeatedly jeopardised its traditions of leadership succession? Why has one leader, Mahathir Mohamad, been involved in all the disputes? How did the crisis of the party, not just the regime, become intimately tied to economic crisis? Conventional paradigmatic explanations of Malaysian politics – inter-ethnic rivalry in a plural society, elite solidarity, and regime type (semi-democratic, hybrid, or competitive authoritarian) – are of little help even if ethnicity, elite conduct, and authoritarian rule are relevant. Instead, this essay suggests that the turbulence is part of a long trajectory of oligarchic reconstitution bound to a peculiar nexus of state, ethnicity, and class. The paper does not construct a theory of Malaysian politics. It offers a historically informed exploration of a leitmotif of an unfinished project that runs through much of the past 20 years of political conflict and struggle.


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