Multifaceted Islam: Malaysia

This paper analyzes the Islam’s impact on the Malaysian politics. Islam as an instrument of Malaysia’s foreign policy has been used by the political elite of the state for decades. Observers note the Islamization of the country’s foreign policy, especially during the premiership of Najib Razak (2008– 2018). However, the trend towards Islamization can be traced back to the moment Malaysia gained independence from Great Britain in 1957 and especially during the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). The formation of such a foreign policy of Malaysia took place against the background of the Islamization of the political and social environment within the country, which, in turn, was the result of an internal political struggle. Thus, the projection of Malaysia’s identity into the outside world and the foreign policy corresponding to this identity was often motivated by the need to retain or attract the support of the malay-muslim majority in the domestic political arena. Since many of the issues raised in the article relate to identity both at the national and global level, a constructivist paradigm is used to conceptualize Malaysia’s foreign policy with a special emphasis on the identity of states. Particularly important in this process is the formation of domestic and foreign policy discourse. Malaysia’s Islamic identity is viewed externally in three dimensions: the Sunni state, the activist state in the Islamic world and the standard of moderate Islam. Consideration of these dimensions reveals quite obvious contradictions between them, as well as between rhetoric and real politics.

Islam Is Not a “Religion” – Global Religious History and Early Twentieth-Century Debates in British Malaya

Lately, Islamicists have called to discard “religion” as a conceptual tool and/or to use the “Qurʾānic term” dīn instead, arguing that “religion” entails Eurocentric bias. Analyzing how Fazl-ur-Rahman Ansari conceptualized Islam and religion in the late 1930s and early 1940s, this article presents a threefold argument. Firstly, I argue that a global history approach which examines in a poststructuralist framework how “Islam” and “religion” are used in concrete contexts is better suited to address the problem of Eurocentrism in both Religious Studies and Islamic Studies. Secondly, I challenge the scholarly thesis that twentieth-century Southeast Asian intellectual debates which referred to Islam as religion were mere emulators of debates conducted in the “West.” Instead of assuming isolated histories and ignoring Southeast Asian debates, I contend that the current use of and debates about conceptualizations of Islam as/and religion are the product of one and the same discourse – a result of global negotiation processes in which Europeans were as involved as Southeast Asia-based non-Europeans, even if they did not speak from the same position of power. Finally, I submit that the approach of global religious history opens new perspectives on contemporary Malaysian politics.

MAHATHIR MOHAMMAD'S POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS IN POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN MALAYSIA

The political turmoil in Malaysia following the resignation of Mahathir Mohammad (February 2020), and the success of Muhyiddin Yassin in the position of Prime Minister, made the political atmosphere even more dynamic. There are those who think that Malaysian politics currently shows a serious problem with the fierce battle between political figures. There have even been various accusations that say there is treason that justifies any means to achieve the goal. Muhyiddin Yassin, who is Mahathir's representative in the Malaysian Indigenous United Party (PPBM), was accused of treason. Likewise, Azmin Ali who was deputy chairman of the People's Justice Party (PKR) was accused of treason by Anwar Ibrahim, so that Azmin was fired from the PKR. Mahathir Mohammad is a senior Malaysian political figure with long experience in politics. The political communication that Mahthir has built is very intelligent with his success as a UMNO figure and the Prime Minister of Malaysia for more than 20 years. As a doctor, since the age of 25, he has been active in politics through the UMNO party. Mahathir understands that politics is very dynamic and political figures must be able to adapt to the existing political dynamics. It was this political dynamic that made Mahathir leave UMNO when he saw the many deviations committed by his figures. Mahathir then formed a new party, Partai Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) which succeeded in ending UMNO's domination in the 2018 elections. Mahathir's political communications were truly tested when he succeeded in becoming the second prime minister of Malaysia at the age of 92 years. The political message delivered by Mahathir was able to convince the Malaysian people about the direction of national development. His long and successful experience in politics made him known as the father of modernization in Malaysia. However, in the end, he was removed by Muhyiddin Yassin (his own friend) from the seat of Prime Minister at the age of 94. Because actually in politics there are no friends and enemies who are eternal, it is political interests themselves that are eternal.

Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (Pas) in Malaysia Politics: A History of Tuan Guru Nik Aziz’s Scholarship and Leadership in Establishing an Islamic State in Kelantan

The study seeks to examine the brief history of political Islam in Malaysia with a focus on Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party/Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). The emergence of PAS in the early 1950s marks the beginning of the involvement of Islamic Movements in politics as a platform for the revivalism of Islam in the region. In addition, the role of PAS leaderships also briefly discussed with a great emphasis on the leadership of PAS political maestro, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz bin Nik Mat. His piety in Islam is translated into his political thought which are influential during his involvement in politics. Tuan Guru’s upbringing and his education background had biggest influence towards his worldview on politics. This study described his contribution on Islam and in Malaysian politics, especially his grand idea on the establishment of Islamic state in Kelantan. The idea of ideal Islamic model of a state was established in Kelantan. It is in line with his perspective of how a society should operate and the functions of government in micro-managing the society. As a conclusion, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz plays an important role within PAS and to the establishment of the model of Islamic State in Kelantan.

KUPASAN ARTIKEL ‘MALAYSIA: THE 2020 PUTSCH FOR MALAY ISLAM SUPREMACY’

The 2018 General Election (PRU) marked a significant point in the history of Malaysian politics when the major opposition bloc Pakatan Harapan (PH) ended Barisan Nasional (BN) rule of 60 years since gaining independence in 1957. However, the PH government, led by ex-premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, only lasted 22 months. Accordingly, the sudden collapse of the PH government drew many to offer their respective analyses. James Chin (2020) wrote one of them titled ‘Malaysia: The 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy’. He argued that, amongst the many reasons attributable to its sudden collapse, one stood out – the position of Islam and Malay supremacy in Malaysia. Since Malaysia is predominantly a Malay-Muslim country, such a profound claim warrants a thorough response. Thus, this study’s objective is to analyse and offer critiques on Chin’s work based on the three main factors, namely the concept of Malay supremacy, unreadiness of Malays to share power with non-Malays and the position of non-Malays in the top government positions. This study utilised documentary analysis to uplift the discussion to fit the social contract concept and the Federal Constitution and strike a balance between extremist and utopian ideas that best suit Malaysia’s political development reality. The study’s main findings can be narrowed down to show the actual picture of Malaysian political genesis’ uniqueness based on its own identity, which constantly rejuvenates and evolves across time and space. Keywords: General Election 2018, Pakatan Harapan, Islam, Malay supremacy, Malaysian political genesis.

Mahathir’s Leadership Post-general Election 14: Perspectives of the Malay Community in West Malaysia

New history is created in Malaysia. After over six decades of Federal rule, the Barisan Nasional (BN) government has been replaced by a coalition of opposition parties, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the most recent general election. PH also managed to form several state governments traditionally held by BN in Peninsular Malaysia. This study aims to seek the perception of the Malays in West Malaysia in accepting the return of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad into power. It focuses on the so-called political comeback of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad – the first leader to be appointed Prime Minister twice considering this rarely happens in Malaysia. This study was conducted in West Malaysia involving eighty-eight respondents using the 5-point Likert-scale survey questionnaire. Respondents were given an option to answer the questionnaire in Bahasa Malaysia or English. The general result showed that perception towards political issues in Malaysia, especially with regard to Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s comeback drew mixed reactions. On the same note, it showed that people could have lost their hopes and direction of Malaysian politics.

Understanding The Results of 14th Malaysian General Election Through Islamic Perspectives: A New Challenge in Islamizing Political Understanding

The results of the 14th General Election shocked many parties, especially the Barisan Nasional, which has dominated Malaysian politics for more than 60 years. Various studies and discoveries have been made to understand the context of this defeat from various angles of thinking and understanding. However, in the study of Malaysian politics Islamic perspective is also taken into account to balance the understanding between Western and Islamic understanding. Scholars have long used Western thought to explain political phenomena and how power is used in maintaining a political party. The purpose of this paper is to explain in detail the results of elections from an Islamic perspective. This is to differentiate the views given by Western thinkers and to provide a new framework based on the Islamic perspective taking into account the values and teachings of Islam itself. Therefore, this paper seeks to provide a different perspective on how new explorations can be translated into the context of political studies in the country.

Understanding Political Psychology and Its Importance to the Malaysian Politics

This paper intends to describe political psychology and the importance of the subject matter to the Malaysian politics. Political studies in Malaysia are largely based on political science, political sociology and socio-political analysis. It is a high time that political environment and issues in Malaysia to be looked upon from a psychological perspective. It is important because the discipline will allow the understanding of why political leaders think and behave in a certain manner. It will also allow the appreciation of voters’ behaviour. These perspectives will enrich our ability to understand politics from different roots. In the context of Malaysia, studying political psychology will help to enhance the understanding of many variables related to the practice of politics in this country. The interactions between politics and psychology particularly the impact of psychology to politics would be an interesting study. As far as Malaysia is concerned, a deeper understanding on political psychology will help leaders to appreciate the nerves and needs of the people and they should put every effort to fulfil their aspirations. Political psychology should help to unfold the minds of the political actors as well as the voters.

Graft cases increase rancour in Malaysian politics

Headline MALAYSIA: Graft cases increase rancour in politics

Judicializing Religion

Religion has become one of the great fault lines of modern Malaysian politics and adjudication. This chapter focuses on the role of religion and religious freedom in the contemporary Malaysian state. It outlines the constitution-making process to locate the place of Islam and religious liberty within the Constitution’s generally secular original framework. Over the past quarter century, the politicization and judicialization of religion has led to an expansion of Islam’s role, fueling polarizing debate over the Malaysian state’s identity as secular or Islamic. Courts have contributed to elevating Islam’s position by deferring jurisdiction to the Sharia courts and expansively interpreting Islam’s constitutional position. The chapter then turns from the descriptive to the prescriptive. It discusses how courts can draw on the constitutional basic structure doctrine to entrench the judicial power of the civil courts to reclaim jurisdictional areas that engage constitutional rights which in the past they have ceded to the religious courts, such as apostasy. It also outlines how courts can use a purposive interpretive approach in line with the Constitution’s framework of protection for religious minorities and individual rights. Finally, it shows how the court can operationalize a proportionality analysis to closely scrutinize government regulations that restrict religious freedom or freedom of expression.