Increasing Access to Contraception in the United States: Assessing Achievement and Sustainability

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (9) ◽  
pp. 1217-1224
Author(s):  
Carla L. DeSisto ◽  
Cameron G. Estrich ◽  
Charlan D. Kroelinger ◽  
Ellen Pliska ◽  
Sanaa Akbarali ◽  
...  

Significance The action urges women to strike or avoid making purchases to highlight women’s importance in society. It follows marches in the United States and across the world on January 21 against the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States. Impacts The US cut in reproductive health services funding will restrict access to contraception for millions of women globally. This could lead to increases in unsafe abortion, and higher maternal death rates. In Europe, the rise of far-right governments may also result in reversals in legislation protecting women’s rights.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 84 (5) ◽  
pp. A38-A38
Author(s):  
Student

Lack of access to contraception is especially severe among teenagers [in the U.S.]; although the pattern of premarital sexual intercourse is broadly similar in Britain and the U.S.A., teenage pregnancies are almost five times as common in the U.S.A. Eighty percent of the annual 1.1 million pregnancies among American teenagers are unwanted and 450,000 end in legal abortions (60 abortions for every 1000 women aged 18-19).


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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