A Political Theory of Law: Escaping The Aporia of the Debate on the Validity of Legal Argument in Public International Law

Author(s):  
Ulrich Fastenrath
Author(s):  
Laura Nuño Gómez

ResumenLa abolición de la prostitución ha sido un objetivo y una pretensión histórica del movimiento y la teoría política feminista. Sin embargo, la propuesta de considerarla como una actividad más en el marco de las relaciones laborales se presenta ahora como una urgente innovación normativa encaminada, supuestamente, a garantizar los derechos de las mujeres prostituidas. Pero esta demanda no es ajena a la transformación que ha sufrido la prostitución como actividad, que representa en la actualidad un lucrativo mercado global con dimensiones sistémicas. El presente artículo analiza los componentes estructurales del sistema prostitucional y las implicaciones de su reglamentación en la igualdad sexual para evaluar los efectos concretos de su reglamentación en el caso alemán.Palabras clave: Prostitución, Trata de seres humanos (TSH), Políticas Públicas, Explotación Sexual, Igualdad de género, Derecho Internacional Público.Abstract: The abolition of prostitution has been an objective and a historical demand of both the feminist movement and feminist political theory. However, the proposal of consideration as any other activity in the framework of labor relations, is now portrayed as an urgent regulatory innovation aimed, supposedly, at guaranteeing the rights of prostituted women. But this claim must be interpreted in relation with the transformation of prostitution as an activity, which currently represents a lucrative global market with systemic dimensions. This article analyzes the structural components of the prostitution system and the implications of its regulation on gender equality in order to evaluate the particular effects of its regulation in the German case.KeywordsProstitution, Trafficking in Human Beings (THB), Public Policies, Sexual Exploitation, Gender Equality, Public International Law.


Author(s):  
Paul Gragl

The aim to defend legal monism requires more than just mere epistemology, as sceptics might argue that monism is incapable of describing the real legal world and the law as it is. Consequently, this part offers a precise analysis as to whether two or more distinct bodies of law blend into a unitary legal order or whether they evade such integration. Thus, it will assess the assumptions of the pure theory of law, and in particular those of legal monism, namely between national law and public international law; and between national law and European Union law. The objective of this assessment is to show whether monism is in fact capable of describing the legal reality as well as or even better than dualism or pluralism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
ISABELLE LEY

AbstractAs international law is widening in regulatory scope and intensity, it arguably suffers from a legitimacy deficit. This article conceives of this deficit as a deficit in possibilities to politicize, criticize, and contest international law-making proposals in the way a loyal opposition does in a domestic constitutional context: through the representation of relevant societal interests, the voicing of critique, and the safeguarding of alternative proposals for the future. The author of this article tries to bring together the current debate in political theory on the value of legitimate disagreement and dissent in political institutions and the ongoing discussion on the legitimacy of international law. Therefore, a concept of an institutionalized opposition for international law-making processes is developed, referencing authors such as Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort. Next, the author analyses whether one can already find instances of an institutionalized opposition in international law – in parliamentary assemblies and in international agreements which are designed to present a legal–political counterweight to specific legal concepts and institutions.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 312-316
Author(s):  
Jean L. Cohen

In this essay, I approach the question of privatization from a normative political theory perspective. Following Mégret's lead, I focus on the inter- or transnational domain, with the aim of making explicit the norms that undergird Mégret's analysis despite the functional approach he apparently adopts. I argue that the normative basis of the ideas of sovereignty and publicness he relies on is parasitic on the principles of democratic legitimacy developed on the level of the constitutional democratic state. Put differently, my concern is less with the potential demise of public international law that privatization seems to portend, and more with privatization's threat to democratic self-government under both domestic and international public law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Xavier Scott

This paper examines the transition in political philosophy between the medieval and early-modern periods by focusing on the emergence of sovereignty doctrine. Scholars such as Charles Taylor and John Rawls have focused on the ability of modern-states to overcome conflicts between different religious confessionals. In contrast, this paper seeks to examine some of the peace-promoting features of Latin-Christendom and some of the conflict-promoting features of modern-secular states. The Christian universalism of the medieval period is contrasted with the colonial ventures promoted by the Peace of Westphalia. This paper’s goal is not to argue that secularism is in fact more violent than religion. Rather, it seeks to demonstrate the major role that religion played in early modern philosophy and the development of sovereignty doctrine. It argues against the view that the modern, secular state is capable of neutrality vis-à-vis religion, and also combats the view that the secular nature of modern international law means that it is neutral to the different beliefs and values of the world’s peoples. These observations emphasize the ways in which state power and legitimacy are at the heart of the secular turn in political philosophy. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Meriem A. Loukal

ناولت هذه الدراسة أحكام التجسس باعتباره يثير الكثير من التساؤلات حول مدى مشروعيته؛ وذلك لتجريمه في القوانين الوطنية، وهو ما يجعله في المنطقة الرمادية، وقد زاد التطور التكنولوجي من تعقيد عملية التجسس عندما يكون باستخدام الأقمار الاصطناعية، بالإضافة إلى حاجة المنظمات الدولية إليه في إطار عمليات حفظ السلام، كما أن القبض على الجاسوس يرتب آثارًا قانونية متباينة، ففي زمن الحرب يتعرض للمحاكمة في حين أن تجسس المبعوث الدبلوماسي يؤدي إلى طرده أو خفض العلاقات الدبلوماسية أو قطعها. وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى عدد من النتائج منها: عدم وجود صك دولي إلى اليوم يجرم التجسس، كما لا يمكن تبنيه على المدى البعيد. وجود إجماع فقهي حول عدم تكييف التجسس واعتباره كحد أدنى عملًا غير ودي. وخلصت إلى عدد من التوصيات منها: لابد من الفصل بطريقة حاسمة بين أشكال التجسس بتكييفها وإخراجها من المنطقة الرمادية


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